The aim of this study is to analyze and derive a more profound understanding on how the Swedish Migration Agency and the Swedish Migration Court of Stockholm determine the credibility of LGBTQI-persons applying for asylum in Sweden. Through a qualitative content analysis of nine cases where decisions from both the Swedish Migration Agency and the Swedish Migration Court of Stockholm are used, this study aims to determine what is required from LGBTQI asylum seekers to prove their reliability and credibility. Furthermore a theoretical perspective on queer theory written by Fanny Ambjörnsson is applied to the assessment methodologies of both government departments, this as a way of assessing the credibility.

The study shows that the Migration Agency and the Migration Court of Stockholm have a number of recurring reasons for rejecting LGBTQI persons residence; the applicant cannot account for an inner emotional process, the applicant lacks deep thoughts regarding his/hers sexual orientation, the applicant mainly describes sexual experiences rather than feelings, the applicant gives contradictory information and lastly the applicant has not considered the risks of their actions. In accordance with Ambjörnssons theory these reasons presented by both the Agency and Court are shown in the study to be based on stereotypical assumptions and heteronormative social structures.

The purpose of the study is to investigate the governance by the Swedish government of the state-owned enterprises in relation to UN Guiding Principles for Business and Human Rights. In the study the Swedish state’s ownership policy is analyzed together with the Swedish national action plan for business and human rights in relation to article 4 in the UN Guiding Principles.The method used in the study is a critical legal reasoning around the text combined with other external perspectives such as the underpinning values and the context. The conclusion of the study is that the Swedish state’s ownership policy should be interpreted in the light of international law, since there are compelling reasons grounded in previous research that article 4 in the UN Guiding Principles is related to the state’s duty to protect and the requirement of due diligence. The study demonstrates that the Swedish government has taken several steps in relation to the state-owned companies, although it is hard to conclude that these are additional in the meaning of article 4. The requirement in the UN Guiding Principles on state-owned enterprises to perform human rights due diligence and supported by international law is not expressed in the State’s ownership policy. Another conclusion is that the requirements and expectations on state-owned enterprises with regard to human rights are integrated with firm expectations on business opportunities. These requirements and expectations could be characterized as instrumental for the overriding objective of the state-owned enterprises: long-term value generation.

The purpose of this study is to examine factors to why international adoption is seen positive in the Swedish society, which contributes to why international adoption is argued as something good from a child perspective. The study aims to highlight arguments that contradicts the picture of adoption as only positive through criticizing and problematizing international adoption as practice. The study came to the conclusion that the Swedish politics, Sweden as a democratic role model and international adoption as a charity are three aspects to why it can be argued as something positive. Also, that adoption can be more harmful than what is showed in the society. That people’s need to adopt from the Third World can be argued to why international adoption can be human trafficking. Through a postcolonial perspective international adoption can also be seen as an asymmetric power structure between West and the Third World. Through that, the politics in Sweden must flag this part of international adoption to widen the perspective and by that, present how real changes can be made to why people in the Third World are forced to leave their children for adoption to the West.

The climate crisis is an urgent threat towards people and planet, and rapid changes are needed to decarbonize the planet. The energy sector is in a current transition to renewable-based energy, which also includes a shift to electric cars. Electric cars are motivated to be the future, which will be beneficial for the economy and the environment. The industry has also received criticism, several human rights violations occur in the supply chains of the electric cars and that it is an industry that risk increasing global inequalities.

This study explores the complexity of the car industry’s transition to renewable energy, based on case studies of Volvo, Mercedes, and Volkswagen, and their sustainability work related to the supply chains of electric vehicles batteries. The purpose is to show the relation between companies and power structures, as an exemplification of the possibilities for a just energy transition from fossil fuel-based energy to renewable-based energy. The findings shows that the transition is shaped by economical values, which risks broaden the gap between Global South and Global North. It emphasized that it is an issue that needs a collective effort to change the Status Quo, to create sustainable solutions based on the three pillars of sustainable development beneficial for all, not only the Global North.

The purpose of this thesis is to understand the impact of the covid-19 pandemic on the right tohealth for female refugees living in Athens. The paper is based on data derived from semi-structured interviews with female refugees and aid-workers working on the field in Athens. The interviews are complemented with a field study as a participant observer in a small school run by an NGO in Athens. The theoretical framework for the analysis of the empirical data is social exclusion.The conclusion is that the covid-19 pandemic has had a severe impact on the right to health for female refugees living in Athens. Covid-19 restrictions and regulations are keeping people without papers out from the health care system and making it harder for approved refugees to get health care. Refugee women are experiencing extra difficulties through the restrictions, due to intersectional discrimination of gender and race of the host society and through traditional gender roles within their culture. Refugees access to social networks has decreased, especially the possibility to get help from NGO:s that are dependent on private funding, which has decreased incident to the pandemic. NGO:s also had to shut down the social parts of their work due to lockdowns. This has increased social isolation and made mental health problems and poverty worse. Some NGO:  s has restrictions about vaccines or negative covid-tests which have an impact on refugees without possibility to get vaccinated or tested. The pandemic has also increased racism towards refugees and enhanced the possibilities of abuse of power from the police.

In March 2020 WHO classified the coronavirus Covid-19 as a pandemic. Sweden took a different approach than most countries and let most parts of society stay open. This has gotten much criticism around the world. The main purpose of this essay is to examine to which degree this strategy took health aspects, such as psychical health, mental health, social health and domestic violence, into consideration. A theory of Sweden’s strategy as an individualistic approach will be applied and set against WHO’s definition of health as ”a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity”. A qualitative literature review of Sweden’s strategy indicated that different health aspects have been taken into consideration, especially regarding what measures have not been done or measures which have been removed. It’s also been clear that different groups received different amounts of consideration. The most distinct difference was between different age-groups. 

In this study, five young and highly educated individuals' perceived ethnic discrimination at their respective workplaces, has been examined. Furthermore, the individuals' reactions and actions, as well as their perception of their colleague’s behavior during the discrimination situations, have been examined. This has been done through five qualitative semi-structured interviews. The study primarily has its theoretical base in an intersectional and an othering perspective. The study shows several behaviors that are perceived as offensive based on the individuals' own assessments. The study also demonstrates the influence of power and workplace hierarchy, on taken actions in perceived discrimination cases.

This thesis aims to increase understanding of the sanctions imposed on Eritrea by the United Nations Security Council. The question this thesis asks is “why the security council imposed the sanctions”, and “how did these sanctions affect the country and its population?”. In this study, I have used text analysis, a content analysis method to analyze the resolution the protocol, in order to gain understanding of the motive for sanctions. The resolution and the protocol are the primary source of information. As a secondary source of information, I have used several research analyses. These selected materials have been helpful to answer the questions this thesis raised.

     The results reveal that sanctions imposed on a country appear to never reach their targets, they rather hurt the common people. It is also observed that sanction have negative consequences for a country. They can lead to political turmoil, economic hardship, and they can worsen the standard of living for people within a country. When people do not see a bright future in their own country, they will leave in hope of finding a better life elsewhere. Sanctions also have a negative impact on democracy. To stay in power, the rulers in a country will take undemocratic measures such as being more restrictive on opposition groups, journalists, and introduce changes in many areas that may be perceived as undemocratic. 

      Ultimately international organization has failed to reach its goals. If the organization choose to impose sanctions against a country, the sanctions have to be well thought out and should be based on facts. The UN’s treatment of Eritrea can be called into question.

Due to the sanctions, four million people in Eritrea live under critical condition and many of the country’s young population flee the country for better life elsewhere. One should remember that the UN’s sanctions have negative consequences for Eritrea. 

In Lebanon exists fifteen different religious courts treating personal status laws i.e., laws regarding marriage and divorce, one of these is the ja’farite court. The purpose of this essay is to clarify the process of marriage and divorce within the ja’farite court and to further investigate in which ways the ja’farite court violate women’s human rights. To answer these questions the research method used is a text analysis through a qualitative method where the analysis and the conclusion present the results of the research. The result and the conclusion present that the ja’farite court violate several articles from the CEDAW; Lebanon as a state has ratified CEDAW and is obligated to commit to their undertakings. Therefore, Lebanon should first and foremost engage in the abolishment of the religious courts but also establish adequate oversight mechanism to guarantee women’s human rights. 

The invasion and occupation of Iraq in 2003 has caused an explosion in, crime and corruption.The vacuum of an Iraqi authority was visible and prominent after the invasion because of thisa wave of looting and robbery spread throughout the country. Iraq is the country with theenormous oil wealth, but despite its significant oil value, there is not enough supply foryounger generations stuck in the conflict in Iraq. Several years after the US-led invasion,violence has increased, life expectancy has dropped, and children are living in total collapse.Iraq has become one of the worst countries for children in the Middle East. Several publicbuildings, hospitals and schools were left unprotected, which stimulated theft and burglary.The collapse of Iraq's health infrastructure has had detrimental effects on children's physicalhealth, domestic violence, and malnutrition of children in desperate poverty forcing manychildren to drop out of primary school. The number of children dying has increased terriblydue to the war and its aftermath. One in 25 children in Iraq dies before reaching their fifthbirthday. Based on qualitative discourse analysis, I came to the conclusion that it is clear thatseveral thousand children if not millions of children in Iraq are suffering because of Iraq's warhistory. 2003 occupation made it worse for the children such as being tortured, killed, raped,lost part of their bodies and forced to flee their homes and for their lives. Some children haveseen their relatives die in front of them, or at least have seen a dead person, it is also obviousthat these children will have psychological trauma for life. 

This essay examines how asian- looking people in Sweden are being treated and if any patterns exist regarding experiences and events. Different perspectives will be illustrated with the help of a qualitative interview method. The essay’s theoretical framework is critical race theory and its core values, for example normalization and structural racism. Altogether, 18 semi-structured interviews were conducted. The result shows how the informants’ experiences indicate a certain risk to unfair treatment with reference to the essay’s theoretical framework.

The European Union (EU) is based on the inclusive core values ​​of democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights enshrined in article 2 of the Treaty of the European Union. If there is a risk that these values ​​are systematically threatened within a member state or when breaches are a fact, the EU may act by applying legal and political mechanisms. The purpose of this paper is to highlight the problem with EU member states abandoning the democratic principles in favor of the illiberal, as exemplified by a case study on Hungary whose constitution and national identity are based on exclusionary values, which consequently has implications for human rights. The main focus of the thesis is the article 7 procedure which has a sanctioning mechanism that may result in the member state concerned being wholly or partly deprived of its voting rights in the Council of the European Union. Article 7 has been criticized for being ineffective and too political. In September 2018, the European Parliament adopted a resolution which activated the preventive mechanism of the procedure against Hungary which is about deciding whether there is a risk of breaches of article 2. The main ambition of the study is to discuss to what extent article 7 can protect the EU's core values. For these purposes, a jurisprudence method that examines EU law has been applied and, through a political science approach, the application of article 7 against Hungary has been investigated. In order to gain a deeper understanding of the procedure, a field study trip was made to the European Parliament in Brussels, where interviews were conducted with people with insight into the work of Parliament and the Council. I was also given the opportunity to attend a meeting of the Committee of Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs of the European Parliament, in which representatives of the European Commission and the European Union Council also participated. The theme for the discussion was the article 7 procedure against Hungary. The findings of the survey show that, due to the political nature, article 7 is not sufficiently capable of protecting the fundamental values ​​of the EU. What is needed is a new independent mechanism to review all member states' compliance with democracy, the rule of law and human rights.

The aim of this thesis is to inspect how international law tends to exclude girls’ as holder of their rights, when they are associated with armed conflict. From the view of a legal approach, different terms in conventions- optional- and additional protocols have interprets and systematizes to make de lege lata for girls’ in international law able to establish. From the theoretical sight of formal and substantial equality, which assume that equal rights do not function in a world build on the structure of a male, the research of the study shows a number of terms within international law that tends to exclude girls as holders of their rights. The result shows that those terms due to social construction, which express the differences between girls and boys, is overlooked in the international lege lata. The result makes therefore the male standard of the terms advantage for boys.

EU-ramverk för nationella strategier för romsk inkludering fram till 2020 är en policy som åsyftar till att integrera Romer inom områden för utbildning, sysselsättning, hälso- och sjukvård samt bostäder. Ramverket söker att bekämpa diskriminering och främja jämställdhet. Problemformuleringen som denna studie vilar på är diskrimineringen som romer utsätts för i EU. Syftet med denna studie är att genomföra en policy analys av EU:s ramverk med målet att avslöja på vilka sätt policyn syftar till att bekämpa diskriminering av Romer och främja jämställdhet. Teorin bygger på principen om jämlikhet, vilket hjälper till att undersöka de konkreta sätten som diskriminering kan bekämpas på med rätten till jämlik behandling i mänskliga rättigheters kontext. Denna studie är en kvalitativ fallstudie av Romer i kombination med policy analys av EU:s ramverk. Resultatet visar att EU:s ramverk inte genererar en omfattande jämställdhetsprincip som är tillräcklig för att förebygga och bekämpa diskriminering av Romer. EU:s ramverk konkretiserar inte olika former av diskriminering som romer upplever i sina dagliga liv. Policyn behandlar inte heller fenomenet anti-ziganism som ett huvudhinder för inkluderingen av romer.

This research focuses on the possibility of discrimination towards men and any violation of men's right to parenthood. In modern times, the obsolete prejudices about men and their detachment from the upbringing of children started fading; thus is urged to examine the actual situation of men in the matter. That is to say, this paper addresses the issue from its ontological definition to the stipulated by legal bodies. It reviews the data about fathers’ (singles or in a same-sex relationship) personal experiences and society's reception of this new form of family. It compares the situation between men and women, analyzes the information, and intends to discover if there is any pattern that reflects a bias against men and the desire to become a father.

Latin American politics in recent years has caused a stir worldwide. Amid social uprisings, power fluctuations between opposing political thoughts, cases of corruption, and human rights violations, one of the cases that stands out the most in the region is the Colombian one. Colombia is a country that has experienced an internal conflict for more than 50 years, where numerous human rights violations have been perpetrated, by different actors within the war. This conflict has created not an internal bilateral war between guerrillas and the government but a multilateral one where paramilitary groups, drug trafficking gangs, and criminal gangs attack the government and each other, contributing negatively to the conflict within the country.The Colombian government managed to sign a peace agreement with the largest guerrilla group in the country (FARC-EP) to end the country's armed conflict, and for the peace agreements to serve as an example for possible dialogues with other armed groups outside the law so that peace involves everyone in Colombia. However, the results afterward are not the most favorable. Human rights violations persist, and in some specific cases, they have increased from what was reported before the signing of the treaty. We will analyze what these internal and external factors are to the conflict that has generated and still generate the violation of human rights in Colombia, despite having signed a peace agreement and having sold it to the world as the most important political achievement in its history, but which in practice is overshadowed by the continuous crimes that continue to be committed in this country.

Trafficking in children is widespread abuse of children that happens in Ghana. The concept of human rights has not yet fully found its way into societal structures and beliefs, and that creates problems when we want to ensure the protection of children from violations. Ghana is a country where children are trafficked, both transnationally and inside the country. Mainly for the sake of child labour. Even with many legislative frameworks and ratifications of conventions, the number of children being abused is high. After a nine-week minor field study in Ghana interviewing NGO workers, I am in this thesis analyzing the experiences of people working for organizations in Ghana to eliminate child trafficking in relation to the theory of childism. How great of a factor is prejudice against children in Ghana that enables child trafficking. Does it even exist? Concludingly finding that more than one factor contributes to child trafficking, mainly the lack of realization of children’s rights and the realization of children as right bearers.

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate to what extent Arvid Nordquist and Zóega gender equality approaches improve gender equality amongst coffee producers. This will give further knowledge about the possibilities and limitations of the neoliberalization of feminism, a term describing the fusion between feminism and neoliberal capitalism and the greater confidence in the market and corporations being able to empower women in the developing world. To answer the research question, the thesis is comparing Arvid Nordquist’s and Zóega’s gender equality approaches to gender equality problems found in the coffee region of Colombia. The methods used for the study is a text analysis of Arvid Nordquist’s and Zóega’s gender equality work and a field study conducted in Colombia. The theoretical framework constitutes of Janet Saltzman Chafetz’s “The gender division of labor and the reproduction of female disadvantage” and liberal feminist, socialist feminist and neoliberal feminist theories. The key findings of the research are that Arvid Nordquist and Zóega only to a limited extent can increase gender equality in coffee production. The corporations are mainly focusing on empowering women at the macro level of society while not addressing gender equality problems at the micro level, resulting in important interventions for gender equality not being addressed. The company actions give further implications to the neoliberalization of feminism and the consequences that follow when corporations are given increased responsibilities for improving gender equality.

The reason for the thesis is to show that child marriage not only occurs in Eastern countries, Africa, and Asia, but there are also child marriages here in Sweden. The honor culture is one of the important reasons that contributes to child marriage. Although Swedish law and children’s rights prohibit this, many children are still exposed to marriage. The number of child marriage is increasing year by year.

This essay will focus on research of two questions which are "What does the situation look like regarding child marriage in Sweden", and "How does honor culture affect child marriage". The method used in the research is qualitative text analysis. This method is designed to investigate problems in the community. The theoretical framework is the perspective of honor which is related to child marriage.

In the conclusion of this thesis, it is shown how the number of children being married off in Sweden is increasing and how the culture of honor plays an important role in child marriage in Sweden.

Keywords: Child Marriage, Honor culture, human rights, children’s rights, Sweden.

Violent extremism has become an increasing problem. By violent extremism you mean that there are motives for wanting to reform or abolish a form of government. In Sweden's case, it is about reforming democracy, where three main movements are leading; the autonomous environment, the white power environment and the islamist extremist environment. The sources used are information from the Government Offices, the Security Police, Sweden’s parliament and a report from SVT News, a report from FBI Government, statistics from european member states of terrorism in Europe in 2019, taken from Graphic News, as well as an interview with Ewa-Gun Westford, press spokesperson within the police region South. The movements have become larger in recent years and more visible than before, which is mainly due to the development of the digital. The internet and social media have provided a great platform to be able to inspire, recruit and spread propaganda, quickly and without problems. Relevant and important topics today such as racism, xenophobia, etc. are tools for these movements to grow and gain a large number of followers in a short time. It creates a huge insecurity for people around these movements that they have become increasingly visible, and that brutal videos in the form of beatings and executions made by these movements can move around freely on the internet. Threats, violence and harassment of individuals with or outside these movements are common, which also leads to threats to democracy, security, life and health for all parties.

This study aims to analyze the concept of happiness via the concepts of self-actualization and self-transcendence. The analyze performs on both an individual level and a level in a society context and also performs from both a descriptive and an analytical perspective. The study refers primarily to two theorists which are Abraham Maslow and Martha Nussbaum. Maslow's theory of a human motivation is about dividing a human´s needs, and therefore motivations, in a hierarchical order. Two of these divisions are self-actualization and self-transcendence. Martha Nussbaum describes the capability approach through partly a list of ten criteria for a human, worthy life. Nussbaum calls this list for the central capabilities. In this study emerged one of the conclusions that, from a rights perspective, the central capabilities can be a tool to increase people's opportunities to choose to become satisfied in levels of self-actualization and self-transcendence.

In recent years there has been a growing interest in and a number of studies sensitive to the relationships between gender and conflict, including gender and violent extremism. While much attention, both in the media and scientifically, has been given to individuals directly connected to violent extremist groups, less attention has been focused on their families. This study aims to fill in the empirical gap in how violent extremism impacts family members of people associated with violent extremist organisations. The research is particularly concerned with women who became widows due to their husbands’ engagement in a violent extremist group.

By utilising the biographical narratives of the widows in Kwale County in Kenya, the study seeks to broaden an understanding of the impact of violent extremism on widows whose husbands chose to join the violent extremist group al-Shabaab, with its main stronghold in Somalia. The study focuses on four impact areas: economic, physical and emotional, socio- cultural, as well as ideological impact. Moreover, based on theoretical approaches, the study discusses a widespread assumption of women as preventive forces for violent extremism in the context of Kwale County, as well as women’s empowerment measures vital for widows in the region.

The results reveal that the most tangible impacts on the widows are economic, physical and emotional, with a wide range of severe consequences for both the widows and their children. Additionally, socio-cultural impact plays an immense role for the widows living situation. The study does not reveal any findings which may suggest that the widows have been impacted ideologically by their husbands in the same way. Subsequently, the study questions the assumption of women as best placed to prevent violent extremism within the domestic sphere in the context of Kwale county. Furthermore, it focuses attention on the importance of economic, educational and religious empowerment of women in the region.

The aim of this essay is to study and examine the EU's anti-trafficking measures in relation to human rights. This study will be a policy study on EU policy documents. In this study, a main question and a sub-question have been selected which read:What anti-trafficking measures has the EU presented between the years 2012-2016 to prevent trafficking? Are human rights associated with trafficking? 

The theory that comes into use consists of the neo-institutional theory and its three pillars presented by Scott. R. Also presented is a short section of President Bush's speech in 2003 on trafficking 

Under the strategies several measures are categorized. Two out of many measures presented are: Ensuring preventive financial investigations and integrating the EU's external functions. Regarding the question of human rights and trafficking and if they are related to each other. It has indicated that these two have a close connection with each other. As human rights and the fight against trafficking are highly established. 

This essay examines how the children of the Finnish Winter War were treated in the process. It focuses on three questions which are about the children’s’ situation and responsibility in the war. It also examines to what extent the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child as a tool can interpret what risks the children's situation put them in. These questions are being answered through an interview with a Finnish war child and a literature study.    The interview is reinforced by stories from other children who were repositioned during the war and also from those who were adopted to Sweden. The Convention on the Rights of the Child is used as the theory for understanding the children's situation. It is a tool to describe what needs children have and their needs to have a stable childhood. The essay finds that many children were exposed to events that affected how much time they had to be children and they were forced to take on a role of responsibility in their families. The situation can therefore clearly be said as not optimal for them. Many were forced to grow up too early because of this and were not allowed to participate in decisions or to consider their own feelings. A lot of them ended up falling behind in school and sources at the time were concerned that it could have consequences for their development which is also considered in this essay.

The thesis of this essay explores if there is a causation in youth (15-25 years) partnerrelationships between pornography consumption and sexual violence. The analysis includedperspectives of human rights, gender and consent. It has also been examined how to counteractthese issues and who’s responsibility it is to do so. These questions have been asked to sevenprofessionals in non-profit organizations through an interview study. A survey with 19-yearolds in high school about their experiences with pornography and sexual violence was alsomade. Because of low participation in the survey only part of it will be shown in the analysis.To process all the data of the studies, theories of gender and consent have been used. The resultsshowed that youths that contacts the non-profit organisations feel that they need to do whateversexual act that their partner wants them to. They could not always see themselves thatpornography was affecting their relationships and that the acts they were forced to do wasinspired from pornography. The questions asked to the youths played a role in how much of acausation the organisations could see. Pornography is not the only reason that sexual violencehas increased among youths, there are other things contributing, like how the whole society isvery sexualized and is very tolerant to violence in general. The youths had a hard timedetermining what sexual violence is and how complex consent is. Gender norms put pressureon them to act a certain way in their partner relationships and talk a special way about violence,sex and pornography. To see the causation, you need to have the knowledge about violence,gender and how to talk to youths. We cannot stop the use of pornography, but we can learn howto talk to young people about it and work pre-emptive to prevent more issues to evolve. Sexualviolence is a rights issue, but those rights that protect you from violence is not helpful inrestricting pornography. Conventions can be used to put more pressure on the state of Swedento act against these issues. Harmful standards must be prevented and there needs to be supportand openness to talk to youths about these issues.