The purpose of this thesis is to try to understand the moderation process of the Tunisian Islamic political party Ennahda between the years of 2011-2016. This case is studied within the context of the democratisation process that took place in Tunisia, in the five years after the Arab spring and the idea that political Islam might provide a path to democracy in the Middle East and North Africa. The theoretical framework chosen for understanding this process was in form of a theory about under which circumstances religious political parties politically moderate. The method used was a qualitative content analysis. The analysis was conducted by dividing the chapters into thematic topics that emerged out of the material with the framework then being applied to those themes. The research found that the theory provided theoretical understanding for why the Ennahda Movement became more moderate, especially when looking at factors regarding political entrepreneurship. However, other factors such as a dedication to democratic values, non-violence, and a willingness to change throughout its history, also proved important in the case of moderation within the Ennahda Movement. 

Cross-border migration is one of several ways by which people have adapted to both the slow-onset and fast-onset environmental changes of the Anthropocene, the epoch in which human practices have resulted in significant global consequences for the world’s ecosystems. In order to trace inequalities and their politicization we need systematic studies of how migration emerges from complex interplays of social (political, economic, cultural) and environmental processes. So far, two generations of scholarship have characterized the climate change – migration debate. The first generation theorized migration as a mechanistic response to climate change. While the second generation conceptualized climate-related migration as adaptation in relationship and human security by placing agency at the core, the focus on the “resilient migrant” has occluded both the effects of climate change on different categories of people with respect to social inequalities and has not fully dealt with the analogy between the ‘exploitation of humans by humans’ and the ‘exploitation of nature by capitalism’. This analysis traces the evolution of concepts in the debates on climate-related migration and presents selected social mechanisms of (re)production of social inequalities in the climate change-migration nexus.

Millions of people's lives have been upended by the COVID-19 pandemic, which has also worsened existing inequalities and led to widespread abuses of human rights. This report examines the rise in teen marriage in Niger as a result of the global epidemic. The closure of schools, economic hardship, and social isolation have made females vulnerable to early marriage as families strive to reduce financial pressures or safeguard daughters from getting the virus. This report examines the causes of child marriage in Niger, the impacts of the pandemic on girls' rights, and the measures taken by government and civil society organisations to combat the issue. The document argues that child marriage violates girls' rights and perpetuates a cycle of poverty and poor health outcomes. The report concludes that urgent action is required to protect the rights of girls and end the harmful practise of child marriage, especially in light of the Covid-19 pandemic. This case study highlights the importance of addressing human rights violations during crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as the necessity of sustained efforts to promote gender equality and protect the rights of women and girls.

The aim of this study is to examine the discourse on immigrants’ integration into the Swedish labor market, including how it is highlighted and disseminated by Sydsvenskan and Aftonbladet. The intention is to interpret the discourse on immigrants’ integration into the labor market.To achieve this, the study examines how Sydsvenska and Aftonbladet report on immigrants’ integration into the labor market and whether the reporting changed during the two years examined, 2014 and 2018. These years were chosen because of the refugee flow in 2015.The study uses a qualitative method, discourse analysis, to examine the discourse on immigrants’ integration into the Swedish labor market. The theoretical framework of the study consists of design theory, the concept of power and the concept of integration.The results show that the media in the selected articles presented a problematic picture of the integration of immigrants that applied to situation for new arrivals and refugees' integration in the Swedish labor market. Various problems emerged in the articles, including that the integration system is lacking. Sweden is good at receiving refugees; however, its integration of immigrants into the labor market and society in general is lacking. The level in the labor market is high, and new demands are placed on new arrivals seeking to integrate into the labor market.

This thesis describes the relationship of the Hutu and Tutsi ethnic groups in Kigali and the causes of ethnic conflicts in Rwanda. Identity issues in Rwanda prior to 1994 genocide becomes imperative to understand the role colonialism played. Through the use of the qualitative research method, this will explain the history, the root of ethnicity and ethnic identity between the Hutu and the Tutsi. Furthermore, the primary and secondary research methods are used for collection of data sources to describe the connection between the Hutu and the Tutsi before colonization, the period of colonization and post colonization.The reasons for the mass killing of the Tutsi during the ethnic conflict in 1994.The perception of ethnic identity between the Hutu and Tutsi before colonization moved from the friendly to hatred during colonization and post colonization. The research seeks to understand and determine how identity politics was used as a tool to aid colonialism. In Rwanda, the need to move back to the ancient way of life before colonization is important in which the ethnic groups see each other as one big family and accept themselves as one in order to live in peace and harmony.Based on my research, there are limitations to this study which is the accuracy of the participants claims or experiences is best based on their exposition as I could not substantiate or proof the veracity of their claims. I was based in Kigali for less than a month and did not have a huge budget to go around Rwanda to get more interviewees from other parts of Rwanda to have other people’s view from other parts of Rwanda. It would have shed more light to the experiences of the genocide. I hope to further on this research to have a huge view of how Rwandans felt the impact of genocide.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att belysa de problem som invandrare med en hög utbildning går genom när de flyttar från ett land till ett annat. Uppsatsen fokuserar på en specifik grupp av denna kategori, vilket är invandrade sjukvårdspersonal med legitimerade yrke. I uppsatsen diskuteras vikten av språket för komplettering på väg till legitimation som underlättar även för arbete efteråt. Uppsatsen har också lyft fram vikten av det sociala nätverket för att öka de möjligheterna och tillgång till arbetsmarknaden, även betydelsen av de sociala relationerna för att de invandrad sjukvårdspersonal ska kunna lära sig den talade språket, därför behöver de öva det svenska språket med terminologier inom yrket. Informanterna i studien förmedlade vikten av att öva med andra som pratar svenska inom yrket, vilket utvecklar det talade språket för ett specifikt arbete, vilket gör det lättare de invandrad sjukvårdspersonal som får sina legitimationer erkända senare att praktisera i yrket när de väl har fått jobbet utan hinder. 

Today's society is characterised by various political discourses in which gang violence is portrayed in different ways. This study focuses on how young men are affected by the prevailing political discourse in everyday life and also their perspective on preventive work by the society. To achieve this, young men's attitudes and experiences in the debate climate on immigration and crime are studied. The study is based on a qualitative method where three group interviews were conducted. Various themes were discussed in relation to a theoretical framework based on the theories "we" and "they", Goffman's view of stigma and a critical discourse analysis based on Ernst Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. The previous research includes the development of youth crime, how young men are depicted and discusses how criminals are portrayed in their stories. The theoretical starting point focuses on the formation of masculinity for young men in a group, in order to give a picture of what similar discussions of young men in a group might look like. The results show that there is a hostile attitude towards the police and politicians and a low confidence in the reduction of gang violence. They also show that clothing and appearance carry preconceptions which affect their freedom to express themselves and dress as they like. Finally, the young also share their experiences with creeping racism as a social phenomenon and that the discourses that characterise society also affect teachers and police officers through certain prejudices and beliefs in their work.

Western liberal democracies currently face a significant challenge from the growing proliferation of disinformation. With research suggesting that disinformation increases the risk of violence and intergroup conflict, this thesis sought to understand precisely what is being done by states to decrease the likelihood of this happening—specifically, with how the United Kingdom compares with/differs from Sweden in the type of resilience strategies employed to combat disinformation. To answer this question, this thesis conducted a qualitative comparative content analysis to examine government communications for the purposes of identifying, codifying, and describing the different types of resilience strategies combatting disinformation as practised by the United Kingdom and Sweden, to serve as a repository aid in future intervention planning. Utilising a bespoke analytical framework to make sense of resilience strategies of differing scales, a micro-macro perspective was adopted to capture (1) bottom-up focused strategies—which sought to enhance an individual’s ability to independently evaluate the accuracy of the information that they consume and (2) top-down focused strategies—which sought to reduce societal disinformation exposure through structural interventions. This thesis demonstrates that the United Kingdom and Sweden share approximately two-thirds of their disinformation resilience strategy with one another. From 472 items sourced from British and Swedish government communications, this study uncovered 15 micro strategies and 59 macro strategies in total—which, at face value, suggests a genuine bias in favour of a macro strategic resilience approach. To the degree that this is suitable for effective societal resilience against disinformation, remains inconclusive and warrants further research.

Formed in 2016, the Indigenous-led #NoDAPL movement is the response to the allowance for the Dakota Access Pipeline construction below Lake Oahe, the main water source of the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation and neighboring communities. #NoDAPL pointed out the settler colonial context of the movement along with its heavy policing to protect so-called critical infrastructure. Notably, public policing agencies collaborated with the private security and intelligence company TigerSwan hired by the pipeline’s construction firm ETP. Previous research has either illuminated Indigenous perspectives on the matter (Ekberzade 2018; Estes 2016) or discourses around the weaponization of information and strategies of mis/disinformation to sustain the settler colonial state (Harb and Henne 2019; Schnepf 2019). However, not much research has been done on the role of private security firms in the policing of the movement. Aiming at conceptualizing the role of the PSC TigerSwan while policing #NoDAPL, the theories of settler colonial studies and critical infrastructure protection (CIP) were combined and applied in a qualitative content analysis. Using a settler colonial lens also responds to calls for integrating (settler) colonial perspectives into PACS to uncover the deep roots of conflicts (see Byrne 2018). The analysis discusses the symbiosis of settler colonial domination and CIP and TigerSwan’s role as a threat entrepreneur.

The conception of Human Rights is relatively new to international relations and their analysis and, accordingly, their location within this field, theoretically as well as practically, has not yet been ultimately identified. Their role varies among differing theoretical approaches. The aim of this work is to contribute to this discussion through working towards a theoretical framework which allows to place the normative conception of Human Rights in a rather realist analysis of foreign policy. Visualizing this attempt through reviewing the foreign policy measures initiated by the United States and the European Union towards the Maduro government throughout the Venezuelan presidential crisis, the potential impact of the Human Rights discourse for the means of legitimizing such measures becomes apparent. Eventually, the power potential the discourse holds when instrumentalized as a tool of foreign policy contributes to the understanding of its role in contemporary international relations. 

Over the last couple of decades, Sweden and Denmark have come to symbolize opposite policy positions on immigration and integration; the former liberal, tolerant and multicultural, the latter restrictive, nationalist and assimilationist. The marked difference between two otherwise similar countries has puzzled comparative researchers and area specialists for more than two decades. In this paper, a series of well-known but seldom compared explanations are reviewed to gain a fuller and more multifaceted understanding of why Sweden and Denmark became so different. The explanations are divided into four main approaches with different foci: the electorate, the media, the political parties and national models. The paper ends with a short conclusion, highlighting what each of the explanations contributes to a fuller understanding of the difference, and a short note on the possible convergence of the countries post-2015. 

The objective of this article is twofold. Firstly, I seek to improve understanding of Swedish citizenship by highlighting the particular traits of an open yet largely instrumental (non-sentimental) membership policy, which existing theories have not been able to fully account for. I argue that the liberal openness of Swedish citizenship should be attributed not only to a liberal ideology of pluralism and equality, but to a fairly administrative, sterile and pragmatic conception of citizenship that is largely dissociated from existing conceptions of nationhood, integration and societal membership. Secondly, and related to the first, I take issue with the widespread yet implicit theoretical notion of citizenship being defined by shared conceptions of the national demos. I argue that this connection varies and that it is significantly closer and stronger in some cases than in others, regardless of its lenience towards an ethnic or civic, monist or pluralist conception of the nation. While newer, post-national theories of citizenship offer valuable insights into the reshaping of citizenship, they systematically underestimate and, consequently, fail to account for the enduring differences between and idiosyncrasies of national citizenship regimes. To better capture this neglected dimension of the citizenship-nationhood nexus, I propose a distinction between ideologically thin and thick citizenship, with Sweden serving as an example of the first.

This paper aims to focus on the implementation of the Istanbul Convention (IC) by Poland due to the Polish government having both signed and ratified the IC. The Convention offers a legal framework and a necessity to be implemented when ratified, putting pressure on the countries having ratified it to also implement its full meaning through a variety of articles. This is also a convention contributing with anti-gender actors expressing their dislike of certain content of the Convention leading to interpretation of its meaning. This interpretation of articles has led to different stances on the Convention of which Poland wishes to withdraw from the IC, while the EU wishes to ratify it.

This research attempts to answer in which way Poland is being an illiberal challenge towards the EUs values and norms, based on their implementation of specific articles of the IC that are directly linked to the opposition driving anti-gender actor, being following; article 3, 12-16.

Further on, the results that are based on the interpretation of the articles in the IC show a pattern of illiberal tendencies taking form through a shifted choice of discourse from violence against women and women's rights, to a focus on violence in families and family rights. The findings of this research tell us that the challenge Poland contributes is one showing illiberal standing-points when it comes to protecting certain rights of certain groups not only when it comes to the IC but also in relation to not being respectful of the rule of law. The conclusions of this work tell us that the illiberal challenge is shown through excluding certain groups and definitions and putting focus on family and tradition.

This article proposes the analysis of synthetic personalization as a new approach in studying and understanding the legitimization of the Crimean annexation. Drawing upon Norman Fairclough, synthetic personalization is a discursive strategy that identifies how aspects of language, which are regarded as commonsensical and normal, have ideological power, as they can become manipulative and controlling. The application of synthetic personalization to the March 2014 address of Russian President Vladimir Putin draws the audience's attention to traits that unify the masses and thus stimulate their individual features, in particular by relying on presuppositions. The article argues that the address legitimized the annexation of Crimea by framing the annexation as a result of a religious, military, and heterogeneous unity, which unified Crimea and Russia. The findings also question the impact of the one-sided production process and who is the actual producer of the address.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine how the movement party Volt Europa attempts to strengthen European democracy. Using the theory-generating approach of grounded theory, a case study analysis is conducted to assess the prospects of Volt Europa's attempt. The analysis draws on insights from social movement studies, official publications of Volt Europa and information obtained from interviews that were conducted with people who hold a leading position within Volt Europa. The findings reveal that the movement party benefits from a unique organizational structure that allows it to respond to concrete issues of European democracy, by drawing on both the competences of social movements and political parties. Whereas Volt’s movement side offers through its grassroots approach a holistic way of involving citizens in European politics, the political party Volt simultaneously operates in the traditional arena of electoral politics where it strives to induce democracy-enhancing policies from within the political establishment.

Gender-based violence is a prevailing problem in factories within the fast-fashion sector in Bangladesh. This article aims to find reasons for why gender-based violence may continue to constitute a threat for women and gender minorities working in garment factories in Bangladesh. The article analyses the single-case of H&M Group and the Swedish clothing-retailer’s operations in Bangladeshi garment factories and uses a contextual explanatory method. A theory based on contributions from previous research is constructed and identifies societal, individual, and organizational factors that may contribute to an increased likelihood for the occurrence of gender-based workplace violence. Additionally, the theoretical framework created includes legal, organizational, and educational responses to gender-based workplace violence. The analysis focuses on H&M Group’s commitment as participant to the UNGC, the SDGs, their Fair Wage Method, JIT production, Bangladeshi national law and regulations connected to labor and the new Convention against Harassment and Violence (No.190). The thesis argues that multiple factors may have an influence on the prevalence of gender-based violence but stresses the patriarchal value system within Bangladeshi society, resulting status hierarchies within garment factories and the reputation of female garment workers. Additionally, the high stress levels and high pressure on suppliers by the high demand of companies operating within the fast-fashion sector create an environment that is prone to abuse. It is argued that governmental action in addition to paying increased wages to female workers seems to be the way forward.

This paper investigates occupational mismatch of highly educated refugees in Sweden and aims to study what factors are impacting their labour market integration process. In contrast to the extensive number of quantitative reports based on registered data in the field, this research applies a qualitative approach by conducting interviews with the target group and incorporating a temporal aspect of the process. The results confirm existing theories such as human capital deficit, lack of social capital and signalling issues, but also indicates that contextual factors, being family demands and financial pressure, affect the process. An openness towards a change of field and lack of guidance from authorities emerged as factors for mismatch too. Lastly, feelings of stress and frustration seems to influence the process to a big extent which leads us to the conclusion that the labour market integration process of educated refugees is highly influenced by the aspect of time - and more specifically the lack of it.

The Marvel Cinematic Universe is the highest-grossing film franchise that nurtures superhero stories within their narratives. However, in recent years the franchise has undergone a substantial shift in its adversary portrayal, with introducing Russian characters. Therefore, this study’s purpose is to expand the knowledge on the construction and development of Russian enemy images within the Marvel Cinematic Universe franchise, by focusing on three key movies: Iron Man 2 (2010), Captain America: The Winter Soldier (2014), and Black Widow (2021). The research utilizes a diachronic case-oriented comparative design, wherein the selected movies are analyzed through a unique analytical framework, which consists of semiotic analysis and enemy images as theory. The study’s results demonstrate that the construction of enemy images in each movie resembles an ideal type and remained somewhat similar in terms of the demarcation between ‘us’ and ‘them’, and the characterization of ‘their’ essence throughout the years. However, the study’s findings indicate two developmental shifts: first, in ‘our’ character, where similarities are observed with ‘their’ violent behavior, and second with expanding ‘their’ threat from solely physical to psychological aspects as well.

The purpose of this essay is to examine how the Swedish Democrats (SD) try to hide their roots of right-wing extremism by the use of political whitewashing to appear as a more established and accepted party in the eyes of society as well as by other members present in parliament. The essay analyzes and compares the party’s party program from different years, the first one from 1989, the year when the first party program was adopted. The theoretical framework of Gunnar Sjöblom acts as a focal point when conducting analysis of the three political arenas, the parliamentary, the internal and the electoral arena, with a specific focus on the electoral arena. The method used to find out how SD have been using political whitewashing is qualitative content analysis. This essay shows how political whitewashing has been used in different ways and is focused on three policy areas where SD has been the center of controversial debates. The analysis showed that SD has been frequently using political whitewashing in an attempt to position themselves as a less extreme party in favor of a more centralized party.

Abstract

Due to the escalating spiral of violence that hit the country, Sweden's government has drawn up proposals for measures to end the violence. Among the proposals there are a number of criticized ones, including legislative proposals to introduce safety zones, previously known as visitation zones. The process for drawing up legislative proposals starts with an investigation, which is later sent out to the proposed, concerned authorities and interest organizations regarding the proposal.After the investigation of safety zones, the bill was sent for referral to, among other things, municipalities around the country before it was forwarded to the Legislative Council for an opinion. It is the municipalities' response to this referral that will be treated and studied in this study.In a modern, representative democracy, there are norms to relate to, including a strong rule of law, power to act and citizens.How do the municipalities react to the bill on safety zones? Are there differences in how the municipalities respond? What differences are there? In what way do the municipalities relate to the theories of democracy and the rule of law?

The result shows that there is a connection between response and political governance in the municipality where the municipalities that are governed by the majority in the government, support the proposal to a greater extent. The municipalities which are governed by the opposition parties are to a greater extent negative towards the proposal. This research also shows that most of the municipalities believe that something needs to be done and that action is advocated with efficiency, but there are, on the other hand, divided opinions about how it should be done. The municipalities that oppose the proposal believe that more emphasis should instead be placed on preventive work and is pointing out the risks that exist when introducing safety zones, further questioning the proposal's real effectiveness. The municipalities that support the proposal believe that it is a prerequisite for the police to be able to perform their job in the best way with the best possible conditions.

This Thesis evaluates the relationship between how the United Nations position themselves to utilizing Blockchain Technology for Sustainable Development and human capabilities. Specifically, a human-centric lens with the Capability Approach is applied. In contrast to previous research the focus is directed towards the potential impact on human beings by large scale technology adoption rather than solely being focussed on aspects of economy or governance. Using concept driven Qualitative Content Analysis the thesis analyses published papers by UNCTAD, UNDP, UNEP, and WFP. The findings indicate that Blockchain Technology has the potential to have a significant positive impact on human capabilities and can contribute to the realization if the Sustainable Development Goals. However certain hurdles are yet to be addressed to realize this potential.

In light of the recent Swedish's and Finnish's NATO applications, this thesis seeks to examine the motivations and reasoning behind these simultaneous applications by drawing on two theoretical frameworks, liberalism and neorealism. As such, it seeks to answer the research question: In what ways does the interplay of liberal and neorealist motivations in Finland’s and Sweden's NATO applications provide insights into their applications?. To do so, a qualitative comparative case study will be undertaken, focusing on official government documents published between the 13th of May 2022 until 3rd of April 2023. The analysis of both Finland's and Sweden's NATO applications shows the similar intricate interplay between liberal and neorealist motivations. The decision-making processes of both Finland and Sweden involve considerations of international cooperation, shared values, security calculations, and the evolving security environment. The presence of both theories underscores the complexity of these decisions and the multifaceted nature of international relations.

Forskning om europeisering har visat att medlemsländerna påverkas av EU:s lagar och regler. Forskningen säger dock inte lika mycket om hur kommunerna påverkas av EU:s finansiering, organisering och styrning. Den aspekten står i fokus för den här analysen, närmare bestämt konsekvenserna av kommunernas EU-projektarbete. Kommunernas engagemang i EU-projekt har ökat med tiden. För kommunerna innebär EU-projekten inte bara en finansieringskälla utan även en chans att utveckla de kommunala organisationerna. För EU är projektfinansiering ett sätt att styra medlemsstaternas arbete med bland annat tillväxt och sysselsättning, men också en uppmuntran till kommunala aktörer att delta i EU-arbetet. Enligt tidigare utvärderingar och empirisk forskning ger EU-projekten inte upphov till långsiktiga och substantiella effekter på organisatorisk eller strukturell nivå. Men under ytan pågår organisatoriska (och kanske även strukturella) förändringar. Projektorganisationer är inte enbart bärare av resultat utan producerar eller orsakar också egna effekter, oavsett projektens syfte och mål. För att projekt ska få hållbara effekter är det enligt författaren viktigt att knyta dem närmare till den ordinarie verksamheten. Ökad medvetenhet om projektlogikens för- och nackdelar gör det lättare att fokusera på det som kommunen faktiskt vill lägga resurser på, enligt demokratiskt fattade beslut.

During the last couple of decades, we have witnessed a proliferation of the project as an organizational solution in sectors as diverse as IT, housing, social services, education and culture. Despite a growing interest in the phenomenon, we know surprisingly little of how processes of public sector projectification unfold in practice, especially at local government level. This article uses an institutional logic perspective to illustrate and argue that public sector projectification can be understood and conceptualized as the enactment of multiple, co-existing institutional logics, but where one particular logic is of growing importance – the project logic. It is argued that even though the project form is often perceived as more flexible than that of the bureaucracy, the practical outcome seldom represents a radical break with traditional, bureaucratic management models. Rather, it appears to aid a rediscovery and reuse of central bureaucratic practices and procedures such as reporting, documentation and standardization.

Syftet med denna avhandling är att begreppsliggöra projektifiering av offentlig sektor genom att besvara frågorna hur projektifiering yttrar sig i den kommunala praktiken och hur det påverkar kommunal organisering och kommunalt anställda. Avhandlingen är en institutionell etnografi som tar sin utgångspunkt i den svenska kommunen Eslöv och dess organisatoriska och institutionella omgivning. Med ett ”institutional logic” perspektiv och översättningsteori begripliggörs projektifiering som 1, spridning - vilket betonar den ökande användningen och utbredningen av projekt och projektidéer, 2, som omvandling och anpassning – vilket belyser processer för omvandling av "permanenta" organisatoriska aktiviteter till tillfälliga projekt och anpassning av de omgivande organisatoriska strukturerna, samt 3, organisatoriskt kapacitetsbygge – vilket innebär att projektlogiken sprids i lokala organisationer, inte i första hand genom specifika projekt, utan genom olika praktiker som uppmuntrar projektlogiken, vilket förstärker den kommunala organisatoriska projektkapaciteten.

While previous research on projectification tends to focus on why processes of projectification emerge and in what contexts, this chapter use the example of EU project funding in Swedish local government to analyse and understand how processes of projectification unfold in terms of transformation and adaptation. Key agents in processes of projectification are located and how these agents work and with what techniques and tools are described and analysed. It is argued that processes of projectification unfold through the workings of agents sharing, at the same time as constructing, a project funding market in which they mediate between EU funding and possible EU projects. The EU project funding market is held together by mediating agents and their application of policy techniques and tools of information, roadmaps/policies, collaborations/networks, courses, and consultation. Processes of projectification are as such triggered by project-supporting incentives created top-down at the same time as several bottom-up initiatives trigger the same phenomenon. As a result, projectification is understood not only as an increasing use of EU projects but as processes of transformation and adaptation where agents create project strategies, project models, engage in project networks and train staff in project management and project methodology to handle forthcoming projects.

Vi lever i en tid där så gott som allt skall dokumenteras, mätas och utvärderas. Men det är inte vilken typ av utvärdering som helst som på senare tid uppmuntras och förespråkas, utan framför allt den som säger sig sätta fokus på effekter, och det är just denna typ av mätning som är ämnet för detta kapitel.

A common critique from scholars towards gender mainstreaming (GM) strategy is that the integration of a gender perspective can sometimes be seen as too narrow in its outcome as secure discrimination protection. Sweden is a veteran when it comes to both GM strategy and equality. But as in many other places, discrimination based on other grounds than gender is present within Swedish society too. Hence, this thesis’s concern is to examine how the Swedish Gender Equality Authorities construct gender equality. This, with the intent to gain an understanding of what the joint assumptions of gender equality look like. The material was analysed by using the ‘What's the Problem Represented to Be’ method and to operationalize and deepen the understanding further the theoretical concept of intersectionality was applied. As expected when concerning GM strategy, the findings established that the construction is predominantly centred around women and men. Other dimensions of identity such as for example faith, socioeconomic belonging, ethnicity, skin colour often end up in the periphery of the construction. The findings also showed that the wording, articulation, exclusion and inclusion of certain groups of people, plays a vital role in how the construction can be perceived. 

This study is a poststructural policy analysis of the Swedish governmental writing called Politics for Global Development in the Implementation of Agenda 2030. The writing is the most recent Swedish development policy and is built upon agenda 2030. The method that is used in this thesis is described by Carol Bacchi and called WPR. It is used to identify problem representations in policies and the discourses that are used in the formulation of problems. The findings of the study shows that the liberal discourses apparent within Agenda 2030 are evident in the Swedish development policy along with liberal feminism which is dominant in contemporary Swedish foreign policy. Findings of other poststructural studies highlight discourses of modernity and orientalism within the dominant development paradigm, which are shown to inform Swedish development policy as well. 

Uppsatsen syftar till att analysera två styrdokument från den svenska regeringen angående bilateralt bistånd, samt kartlägga och analysera ett bilateralt biståndsprojekt mellan Sverige och Serbien för att se om projektet i praktiken går i linje med regeringstexterna. Analysen görs som en kvalitativ textanalys med idealtyper som verktyg, vilka är baserade på de tre förvaltningsteorierna Public Administration (PA), New Public Management (NPM) och New Public Governance (NPG), samt även en kartläggningsmetod för biståndsprojektet.Slutsatsen som dras av analysen är att det första analyserade styrdokumentet, Proposition 1962:100, genomsyras av PA men visar tecken på att influeras av NPM. Det andra dokumentet, Regeringens skrivelse 2013/14:131 baseras främst på NPM men innehåller även tendenser av NPG i vissa delar. Implementeringen av biståndsprojektet innehåller både drag av NPM och NPG. Biståndspolitiken som den ser ut idag har sammanfattningsvis förändrats från att lägga fokus på att hjälpa de allra fattigaste av moraliska skäl, till att baseras på en bredare definition av fattigdom och även syfta till att stärka EU:s roll globalt.

One of the pillars of a democratic society is social trust. It strengthens the perception of group values and creates a social environment that may influence attitudes toward immigrants. This paper delves into the dynamics of frequent social interaction (FSI), attitudes towards immigrants (ATI), and the mediating role of social trust (ST). The research aims to investigate the connections that underpin the relationships within this democratic system in Sweden. Does social trust and frequent social interaction influence attitudes toward immigrants? This paper uses the European Social Survey (ESS), particularly the 2018-2019 Round 9, focusing on Sweden. Hayes Process Macro Model 4 simple mediation is used to regress and explore the relationship between these variables. The quantitative analysis result indicates that there were statistically significant relationships between FSI and ATI with the presence of social trust as the mediator. The research paper provided findings that are beneficial in the study of International Migration and Ethnic Relations (IMER) and added information on how attitudes toward immigrants influence Swedish society. Lastly, a proposal for future research is then discussed and concluded.

The aim of this study is to analyse the discourse surrounding the preservation of the Icelandic language in light of the growing immigrant population in Iceland. This is done by analysing and comparing two public language policies through the lens of Critical Discourse Analysis, more specifically Discourse Historical Approach. This thesis contributes to the academic research on the Icelandic language and its immigrant population by offering a comparative study of a previously unexplored research topic. The findings indicate that there has been a discursive shift from conservative to more progressive attitudes towards the preservation of the Icelandic language, and the connection between language preservation and purification is beginning to weaken. The study shows that immigrants’ role as language users and language preservers is not sufficiently addressed or met, and a more inclusive approach towards the language is needed to facilitate the prosperous growth of a multicultural society and immigrants’ sense of belonging. 

Approximately 15 years ago the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) were signed, with 144 in favour, 11 abstentions and 4 rejections. The UNDRIP was ground-breaking, but the rejection from 4 powerful states (Canada, USA, New Zealand and Australia), and the subsequent lack of implementation decreased the expectations. This study sets out to investigate three states, Canada, Colombia, and Bolivia, and how they have implemented the declaration. Each state has cast a different vote on the declaration, which constructed a dissimilar stance on the UNDRIP. With a comparative research analysis, cases from each state will be reviewed through key-concepts from post-colonialism, such as hegemony, environmentalism, and place. Data is collected from national constitutions, court rulings and articles on the contrasting priorities of the government and the indigenous peoples. To measure the realization, three articles have been selected from the declaration. This paper concludes that even though the states have made substantial progress in legally adopting the declaration, practical realization lacks. This is due to the countries concern of losing political power were the indigenous peoples to gain self-determination or the inability to conduct extractive projects on indigenous territory which would increase national income.

Denna uppsats är ett försök att belysa vad integration är och hur det uppnås. Syftet med denna studie är att skapa en djupare förståelse för integration och dess process i Kristianstad. Fokuset ligger på lokal nivå och Kristianstad som kommun har utretts. Två olika kategorier av personer har intervjuats till denna studie för att diskutera kring integration. I den första kategorin ingår personal som arbetar med integration i Kristianstad utifrån ett kommunalt perspektiv. Den andra kategorin inkluderar personer som har invandrat till Kristianstad.

Teorierna som denna uppsats använt om integration är av Margareta Popoola och Jose Alberto Diaz. Resultatet av min studie visar att integration ses som en process för både minoritetsgruppen och majoritetsgruppen att på flera plan anpassa sig till varandra. Även om grupperna är tänkta att anpassa sig till varandra visar resultatet att det mest är minoriteten som grupp som förväntas anpassa sig till majoriteten när integration diskuteras. Slutsatsen av denna studie är delvis att integration är ett komplicerat begrepp och kan förstås olika beroende på var och när det används.

This thesis aims to explore and compare children's rights in the juvenile justice systems of theKingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and the United States of America (USA). The study delves intothe legal frameworks, practices, challenges, and cultural influences that impact children's rightsin both countries' juvenile justice systems. By analyzing the historical, cultural, social, andpolitical contexts shaping the evolution of these systems, the research examines the alignment ofpolicies with international human rights standards, with a primary focus on the United NationsConvention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). The study employs the Comparative LegalResearch Method and the Most Different Systems Design (MDSD) to facilitate a comprehensivecomparison. This comparative analysis employs the UNCRC as a normative framework tocontribute to the ongoing discourse on juvenile justice reform and encourages a deeperunderstanding of the intricate interplay between legal structures, cultural dynamics, and humanrights considerations in the treatment of young offenders. The results of this in-depthexamination provide insights into the complexities of juvenile justice in both countries.

The Liberal International order have been a hot topic for some (Duncombe and Dunne 2018, Norrlöf 2020, Stewart 2020) in the past 20 years. It is argued from wide ranges of scholars that the supposed order is in crisis. This crisis it has been argued is the symptom of a wide range of causes from inequality, bigotry and racism, mass final disparity, and a trend toward nationalism. For some, most vocal Ikenberry (2020) SARS-CoV-2, and the current pandemic have shown to be the final nail in the LIO’s coffin. The intent of this thesis is not to argue that the LIO is not in crisis but rather that the pandemic will not be the determining factor to bring the LIO to an end. Instead through the lenses of constructivist IR theory, and the logic of appropriateness the argument will be laid forward that the nationalistic turn in policies is, and has in the past, been a widely accept response to crisis, and rather an integral part of the LIO. Furthermore, through a qualitative content analysis of relevant news articles it will be argued that general perceptions of the LIO have not turned drastically negative in the past twenty months.

The European Union (EU) has for a long time had ambitions to achieve some form of ‘Strategic Autonomy’, often understood as a capability to conduct security pol- icy independent of the United States. With the EU’s Global Strategy (EUGS) from 2016, this objective, albeit without a clear definition, is part of the public EU strat- egy. This new level of ambition places high demands on the independent intelli- gence capacities for the member states as well as for the EU at the collective level. at national level as well as for the EU at the collective level. As the world moves towards multipolarity and the geopolitization of the economic sphere, the ambi- tion for strategic autonomy has a broader meaning, such as the ability to conduct an independent trade policy or to choose a supplier of 5G infrastructure. In light of this, this article aims to analyse strategic autonomy as a security policy objective and the various intelligence needs it raises. We analyse autonomy in three different functions, or areas of application: political autonomy, operational autonomy and industrial and digital autonomy. We will then make an overview of how these needs currently are meet and how additional intelligence capacity could be created.

This thesis investigates the evolution of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) towards Tunisia, particularly focusing on the impact of the Arab Spring on the bilateral relationship. The study aims to illuminate the complex interplay between normative objectives and security concerns that have shaped the EU’s foreign policy. By employing a qualitative case study methodology, it analyses the discourse of securitisation within ENP action plans, with an aim to elucidate the nuances of security discourse in EU-MENA relations. These action plans are the original 2004 ENP action plan, and the privileged 2013-2017 action plan. The findings reveal a shift in thematic focus from pre- to post-Arab Spring, particularly within the military sector, reflecting the changing global security landscape. The thesis also conducts a comprehensive literature review which underscores the influence of historical events, geopolitical realities, and ideological positions in shaping the ENP's approach towards Tunisia. The study acknowledges its limitation of primarily relying on ENP action plans, suggesting future research could benefit from examining direct communications from EU representatives. This work provides a valuable methodological and theoretical framework for future studies on EU-MENA relations, contributing to the broader understanding of how securitising speech impacts policy implementation and international cooperation.

The Western Balkans have been gripped by turbulent policies and relations in the region for the past 25 years. The Republic of Serbia, as a country responsible for many of the armed conflicts of the 1990s, is today a country that is largely conducting accession negotiations with the European Union towards membership. However, what is being questioned is what are the relations of that country with its neighbors today? Are there problems of identity politics in regional relations and what can they say about the integration process of Serbia into the EU? By dual application of theories of social constructivism and neoliberalism, this thesis conceptually determines both the diagnosis of regional problems and possible solutions. Also, by applying qualitative content analysis, the research was provided in understanding the context of qualitative data in order to make the most effective connection with the theoretical concepts. Overall, the research reveals that identity problems are still of the major factors of instability in relations between Serbia and neighboring countries and the narrative is still identity based. Also, what the research showed as a possible solution to accelerate EU integration and stabilize regional relations reflected in neoliberal institutionalization within the Open Balkan initiative.

Since 2015, Greece has been in an unprecedented position. The Syrian civil war triggered the movement of more than 850,000 arrivals into Greece during 2015 (UNHCR, 2015). Being geographically situated as the closest European country to the east of Syria, Greece had to deal with a large increase in the number of migrating peoples to the country and by proxy, the European Union. This research seeks to understand how power relations between the island’s local population and its asylum seeker population are represented through an analysis of the discourse produced by the local daily press. In particular, the research reviews the discourse surrounding the island’s main square occupation by asylum seekers in April 2018. The theory of the established and outsiders is the framework used for the analysis, while Critical Discourse Analysis and General Inductive Approach constitutes the methodological ground of the thesis. The analysis showcases that Lesvos’ local daily press reproduces a discourse in line with the established and outsiders theory, attributing the local population as being established and the asylum seekers as being outsiders.

This article explores EU political elites' images of Georgia and its evolution from 1991 to 2020. The analysis relies on the author's 25 original interviews with EU political elites, including presidents, prime ministers and ministers of EU member states and EU commissioners, alongside primary documents. By triangulating between novel interview data, document analysis and statements by EU officials, this article unpacks EU perceptions of Georgia's intentions, capabilities, threats and cultural status over a 30-year historical period. The study shows that three main images of Georgia have emerged over time in the eyes of EU and EU member states leaders: first, Georgia as a willing partner to the EU; second, Georgia as a political partner to the EU and third, Georgia as a close political and economic partner to the EU. This article, by studying the EU political elites' images of Georgia, adds knowledge to the EU's perceptions of external actors, which is an under-researched topic in the scholarship of images and perceptions in EU external relations. Moreover, it extends the literature on EU-Georgia relations, and helps to understand some of their peculiarities.

The aim of this study is theory testing how effective two prominent labour market theories are at understanding human rights violations in the American meatpacking industry.Effectively aiming to answer;How applicable are Dual labour and Segmented labour market theory in understanding human rights violations in the American meatpacking industry? Agricultural production of livestock has undergone many changes over the past 50 years, mainly due to advancements in technology and the increase of demand. To account for this, large producers have been innovating new ways to increase output and reduce cost. This has meatpackers working harder, longer and for less money. Their rights have been pushed to the wayside in the pursuit of profit. The main way companies are violating their workers rights is through the use of a rigid structure which is embedded within the American labour market.The structure relies on immigrant labour, minorities labour and unsafe working conditions.Therefore, to understand how Human Rights violations occur in the American meat and poultry industry, one must turn to the structure of its internal labour markets. Furthermore, this study also aims at theory testing by investigating the value of the theories in this context. 

In a recent opinion article, sustainability researcher orjan Bodin claims that a shift leftward in sustainability science has rendered certain topics and research methods taboo, thus inhibiting the field's ability to contribute to achieving Agenda 2030. In this response, we problematise Bodin's framing of sustainability science, arguing he has misrepresented the field as "normal" rather than acknowledging its unparadigmatic character. It is precisely the unparadigmatic character of sustainability sciences (plural emphasised) that allows the field to begin addressing the wicked problems of our time. The question is then how to "disagree well" and assure quality in this unparadigmatic field.

The world was seriously affected by the outbreak of the Coronavirus pandemic. The research question of the thesis is: "How could China's assistance to Italy and Spain throughout the Coronavirus pandemic help China increase its cooperation with the European Union?". This paper will analyze how Covid-19 created an opportunity that Xi Jinping used to strengthen his country's relations with the European Union. Also, it will present China as a state that wants to cooperate with other states and is ready to help anyone in case of an emergency. The research question was studied through the theoretical lenses of neoliberalism and two of its concepts - complex interdependence and soft power. The method that was utilized is textual analysis because it helped identify China's messages in the country's intensive public diplomacy during the pandemic. The conclusion is that China successfully used the window created by the pandemic to deepen its strategic partnership with the European Union.

This thesis aims to explore the conceptualization, practice, and motivations behind nonviolent resistance among Palestinian activists and organizations in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Addressing a notable gap in the literature, this study examines how these actors navigate between pragmatic and principled strategies of nonviolence, utilizing Burrowes’ framework on the pragmatic-principled dimension. Through in-depth interviews with key activists and organizations, the research provides valuable insights into their experiences and beliefs. The findings of the study reveal a prevalence of principled approaches, challenging existing research and theory on Palestinian resistance. Thereby, this thesis contributes to a better understanding of nonviolent resistance in the Palestinian context, and by emphasizing the nonviolent aspect of Palestinian resistance, the research introduces a perspective that challenges traditional narratives of conflict.

While early relocation is not makeable, disaster risk reduction seems to be the most effective tool to decrease the impact of a disaster. This case study focuses on three UNDRR frameworks as they appear to be the greatest instance of international documents referring to disaster risk reduction (DRR). Especially, this research examines the representation of women within these frameworks and how their portrayal in DRR has changed over the last two decades. To do so, a critical discourse analysis of the three UNDRR frameworks is conducted. This study benefits from a social vulnerability approach and further engages with the Feminist Political Ecology theory. The analysis finds that even though women are increasingly represented in the frameworks, their roles as active participants remain negligible. Their knowledge and interest are still not recognised as valuable in DRR. Rather, women seem to be employed as tools to include more gender-sensitive programmes. This study recommends a greater and more complex emphasis on women in future DRR policies.