Digitala Vetenskapliga Arkivet

Ändra sökning
Avgränsa sökresultatet
575576577578579580581 28851 - 28900 av 29200
RefereraExporteraLänk till träfflistan
Permanent länk
Referera
Referensformat
  • apa
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association-8th-edition
  • vancouver
  • Annat format
Fler format
Språk
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Annat språk
Fler språk
Utmatningsformat
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf
Träffar per sida
  • 5
  • 10
  • 20
  • 50
  • 100
  • 250
Sortering
  • Standard (Relevans)
  • Författare A-Ö
  • Författare Ö-A
  • Titel A-Ö
  • Titel Ö-A
  • Publikationstyp A-Ö
  • Publikationstyp Ö-A
  • Äldst först
  • Nyast först
  • Skapad (Äldst först)
  • Skapad (Nyast först)
  • Senast uppdaterad (Äldst först)
  • Senast uppdaterad (Nyast först)
  • Disputationsdatum (tidigaste först)
  • Disputationsdatum (senaste först)
  • Standard (Relevans)
  • Författare A-Ö
  • Författare Ö-A
  • Titel A-Ö
  • Titel Ö-A
  • Publikationstyp A-Ö
  • Publikationstyp Ö-A
  • Äldst först
  • Nyast först
  • Skapad (Äldst först)
  • Skapad (Nyast först)
  • Senast uppdaterad (Äldst först)
  • Senast uppdaterad (Nyast först)
  • Disputationsdatum (tidigaste först)
  • Disputationsdatum (senaste först)
Markera
Maxantalet träffar du kan exportera från sökgränssnittet är 250. Vid större uttag använd dig av utsökningar.
  • 28851.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    The European Parliament and the Europe 2020 strategy: An arena for public debate or political entrepreneurship?2019Ingår i: Smart, sustainable and inclusive growth: political entrepreneurship for a prosperous Europe / [ed] Charlie Karlsson, Daniel Silander, Brigitte Pircher, Cheltenhem, UK: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2019Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper analyses the European Parliament in the light of agenda Europe 2020 with a specific focus on the transnational party groups. It starts with clarifying the legal and institutional framework for Europe 2020 and to what degree the European Parliament is involved in the agenda-setting stage, actual creation, decision process and implementation process. Thus, what have been the openings and possibilities for political entrepreneurship of the party groups and of individual members of Parliament? Secondly, it identifies the main issues around Europe 2020 which have been up for debate in the European Parliament. The main interest here lies in whether the conflicts concerns transnational ideological issues (like economic issues between Left and Right or between growth and sustainability) or domestic interests. Thirdly, it identifies examples of political entrepreneurship strategies among the party groups and their individual members. It is important to remember that the European party families are present in each EU-institution. Consequently, there is room for informal influence may on fellow party sympathisers in other key EU institutions like the Commission or the Council.

  • 28852.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Dalarna University, Falun, Sweden.
    The European Parliament and the Europe 2020 strategy: An arena for public debate or political entrepreneurship?2019Ingår i: Smart, sustainable and inclusive growth: political entrepreneurship for a prosperous Europe / [ed] Charlie Karlsson; Daniel Silander; Brigitte Pircher, Cheltenhem: Edward Elgar Publishing , 2019, s. 75-92Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper analyses the European Parliament in the light of agenda Europe 2020 with a specific focus on the transnational party groups. It starts with clarifying the legal and institutional framework for Europe 2020 and to what degree the European Parliament is involved in the agenda-setting stage, actual creation, decision process and implementation process. Thus, what have been the openings and possibilities for political entrepreneurship of the party groups and of individual members of Parliament? Secondly, it identifies the main issues around Europe 2020 which have been up for debate in the European Parliament. The main interest here lies in whether the conflicts concerns transnational ideological issues (like economic issues between Left and Right or between growth and sustainability) or domestic interests. Thirdly, it identifies examples of political entrepreneurship strategies among the party groups and their individual members. It is important to remember that the European party families are present in each EU-institution. Consequently, there is room for informal influence may on fellow party sympathisers in other key EU institutions like the Commission or the Council.

  • 28853.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    The influence of EU membership on Sweden’s political parties and party system: a preliminary research design2015Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
  • 28854.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Dalarna University College, Falun, Sweden.
    The influence of EU membership on Sweden’s political parties and party system: a preliminary research design2015Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this paper is to sketch a theoretical and methodological framework for analysing the influence of EU-membership on the political parties and party system of Sweden. The main point of departure is the theoretical framework for the Europeanization of national political parties developed by Robert Ladrech (2002). Although Peter Mair (2000) has depicted parties and party systems as relatively unaffected by European integration, Ladrech identifies several aspects where direct as well as indirect influence may take place: 1) policy/programmatic content, 2) organisation, 3) patterns of party competition, 4) party-government relations and 5) relations beyond the national party system. Consequently, the aim is more concretely to discuss the feasibility of a larger study of the Swedish parties (and party system) departing from Ladrech’s five dimensions. In a broader perspective, the ambition is to discuss the degree of which the Swedish party landscape has been affected by the EU-membership. Or in short: in which of Ladrech’s five dimensions can we identify a pattern of Europeanization?

  • 28855.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    The New Institutionalisms and Europarties2008Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper attempts to apply the three so called new institutionalist schools on European transnational party organizations (Europarties); rational choice institutionalism, sociological institutionalism and historical institutionalism. Two questions are guiding the discussion. The first is whether institutionalist approaches can deepen our understanding of Europarties. The second question is which one of the three schools of new institutionalism can best contribute to the discussion of Europarties. The paper departs from how each institutionalist school has been applied to the analysis of the EU and endeavors thereafter to apply those experiences on the Europarties. The conclusion is that institutionalist perspectives can indeed enrich our understanding of Europarties. When it comes to which one of the schools that is most appropriate, the conclusion is that they each contribute in their own way.

  • 28856.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    The role of Europarties in Ukraine: the invisible EU membership facilitator?2023Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This text focuses the cooperation between Europarties and domestic political parties in Ukraine and the aim is to assess the main opportunities and challenges for the Europarties to play a role in Ukraine’s democratic development and its EU-membership aspirations. It first examines the political landscape in Ukraine and the challenges for the Europarties in finding partners in a context of unstable and ‘non-ideological’ political parties. It then considers the incentives for transnational party cooperation among both Europarties and the Ukrainian parties, which are of both instrumental and ideational character. Then it presents an analysis of the historical evolution of the transnational party cooperation. It concludes that the Europarties have so far not had any significant effects on the characteristics of Ukraine’s party system. This can be explained by the competition among Europarties, which has led to a softening of membership criteria. But the Europarties have found an important role in supporting Ukraine’s EU-integration process. With their long experience and wide network among high-level contacts within the EU, the Europarties can help Ukraine in making the necessary reforms and act as an ambassador for Ukraine’s EU-membership aspirations.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 28857.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Dalarna University, Falun, Sweden.
    The role of Europarties in Ukraine: the invisible EU membership facilitator?2023Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This text focuses the cooperation between Europarties and domestic political parties in Ukraine and the aim is to assess the main opportunities and challenges for the Europarties to play a role in Ukraine’s democratic development and its EU-membership aspirations. It first examines the political landscape in Ukraine and the challenges for the Europarties in finding partners in a context of unstable and ‘non-ideological’ political parties. It then considers the incentives for transnational party cooperation among both Europarties and the Ukrainian parties, which are of both instrumental and ideational character. Then it presents an analysis of the historical evolution of the transnational party cooperation. It concludes that the Europarties have so far not had any significant effects on the characteristics of Ukraine’s party system. This can be explained by the competition among Europarties, which has led to a softening of membership criteria. But the Europarties have found an important role in supporting Ukraine’s EU-integration process. With their long experience and wide network among high-level contacts within the EU, the Europarties can help Ukraine in making the necessary reforms and act as an ambassador for Ukraine’s EU-membership aspirations.

  • 28858.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    The Eastward Enlargement of European Parties: Party Adaptation in the Light of EU-enlargement2013Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of the study is to map out and analyse the integration of political parties from Central and Eastern Europe into the main European party families. The prospect of eastern enlargement of the EU implicated opportunities and above all challenges for the West European party families. The challenges consisted of integrating new parties with a different historical legacy. The study focuses on mainly how the European party families handled these challenges and what motives that have driven them in this engagement. At a more general level the thesis sketches two alternatives interpretations of the process: Western neo-colonialism and contribution to democratisation. The method used for the study is comparative case-study method and the main sources that have been utilised are party documents and in-depth interviews. The study is delimited to the three main European party families: the Christian democrats, the social democrats and the liberals. The countries of interest in Central and Eastern Europe are those postcommunist countries that became EU-members in 2004 and 2007: Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia. The time-frame is limited to the first party contacts in 1989 to the final inclusion of the new parties in 2000-2006.

    The results suggest that the European parties have responded with ambitious means to the challenge of integrating new parties from a postcommunist context. They have set up new coordinating bodies and organised educational programmes for the applicant parties, mainly directed to young politicians. The Christian democrats and the social democrats have also used parallel organisations as buffer-zones, which provided certain flexibility. As for motives, the Christian democrats stand out as the party family with the clearest power-oriented motives. At the other end, the liberals stand out as the party family that is most steered by ideology and identity. The social democrats went through a change with ideological considerations dominating the early phase and became increasingly poweroriented as the EU enlargement drew closer. When it comes to the two alternative interpretations of this process, the main conclusion is that they are intertwined and more or less impossible to separate from each other.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    webbfil
    Ladda ner (pdf)
    omslag
    Ladda ner (pdf)
    spikblad
  • 28859.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Dalarna University College, Falun, Sweden.
    Towards Ideological East-West convergence? European party families 1990-20132014Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper assesses possible East/West ideological convergence among three European party families: The Christian Democratic EPP, the Social Democratic PES and the Liberal ALDE. The analysis departs from elections manifesto data from 1990 to 2013. The aim is to provide an overview on possible trends of convergence and the method is based on mean value comparison. Left-Right position is first evaluated for all three party families and thereafter specific issues are selected for each party family. Finally, the relevance of party size is evaluated in relation to ideological convergence. The findings indicate that both the EPP and PES have elements of East/West convergence on the Left-Right positions. The ALDE on the other hand demonstrate a constant Left-Right consensus between its West-and East European member parties. However, on specific issues, the ALDE displays a weaker East-West consensus especially on the national issue. Both the EPP and the PES show elements of convergence in the issue specific analysis. The EPP displays an early East/West convergence on the EU-dimension and a somewhat later trend of convergence on the national issue. PES shows a surprisingly strong overtime East/West consensus on the welfare state while there is a post-2004 convergence when it comes to underprivileged minority groups. Moreover, the aim is to relate the findings to the theoretical framework for Europarty cooperation, developed by Poguntke and von dem Berge. The findings support the need to make a distinction between strong and weak parties as party size matter for ideological convergence. However, this is only verified in the first years. Furthermore, the model suggests that Europarty influence is a combination of pressure and socialisation, where socialisation dominates after 2004. Hence, it is possible to assume that the East/West convergence on patriotism for the EPP and for underprivileged minority groups for the PES is a result of socialisation processes. In the same way, the early convergence of the EPP on the EU-issue is an indication of Europarty pressure for change.

  • 28860.
    Öhlén, Mats
    et al.
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Karlsson, Karlsson
    Örebro universitet.
    Ideologisk konvergens mellan öst och väst?: De europeiska partifamiljerna 1990-20132015Ingår i: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 29, nr 2, s. 167-189Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In this paper we compare ideological positions of political parties in Eastern and Western Europe. As the Communist regimes collapsed and new democracies began to emerge in Eastern Europe, it became obvious that historical and cultural differences existed in relation to Western Europe. This was not least visible among the political parties. When the West European parties initiated contacts with potential sister parties in the East, noticeable differences were revealed in several issues. In general, the eastern parties appeared to be more nationalist, more populist and less tolerant towards minorities than their Western sister parties. The question raised in this paper is whether these differences, have faded or not during the 25-year period after 1989. In order to perform this analysis, the three largest and most influential party families are selected: the Christian Democratic EPP, the Social Democratic PES and the Liberal ALDE. Departing from election manifesto data compiled by the Comparative Manifesto Project, we have performed a time series analysis ranging from 1990 to 2013. Here, the Eastern parties are compared to their Western sister parties within each party family. Firstly, they are compared along the general left-right dimension, and secondly they are compared in specific issues, which have been conceived as delicate matter: the view on the EU, nationalism and view on multiculturalism.

  • 28861.
    Öhlén, Mats
    et al.
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet.
    East-West convergence or divergence?: The (possible) influence of the European People’s Party on affiliated parties in Central and Eastern Europe 1990-20142018Konferensbidrag (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper analyses the (possible) ideological influence of Europarties on their member parties in Central and Eastern Europe. The specific focus of the study is the Christian democratic European People’s Party (EPP) and the main theoretical point of departure is the theoretical framework for Europarty cooperation, developed by Poguntke and von dem Berge. The analysis is based on elections manifesto data from 1990 to 2015. The aim is to provide an overview on possible trends of convergence (or divergence) between the Western and Eastern EPP-affiliated parties and to evaluate the extent of influence that the EPP has exerted on Christian democratic and conservative parties in Central and Eastern Europe. The analysis is based on a mean-value comparison of the West European member parties and the affiliated parties from post-communist countries when it comes to Left-Right positions and issue specific positions. Furthermore the analysis is complemented with in-depth analysis of specific cases. Finally the relevance of party size is evaluated in relation to ideological convergence and Europarty influence.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 28862.
    Öhlén, Mats
    et al.
    Dalarna University, Falun, Sweden.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro University, Örebro, Sweden.
    East-West convergence or divergence? The (possible) influence of the European People’s Party on affiliated parties in Central and Eastern Europe 1990-20142018Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper analyses the (possible) ideological influence of Europarties on their member parties in Central and Eastern Europe. The specific focus of the study is the Christian democratic European People’s Party (EPP) and the main theoretical point of departure is the theoretical framework for Europarty cooperation, developed by Poguntke and von dem Berge. The analysis is based on elections manifesto data from 1990 to 2015. The aim is to provide an overview on possible trends of convergence (or divergence) between the Western and Eastern EPP-affiliated parties and to evaluatethe extent of influence that the EPP has exerted on Christian democratic and conservative parties in Central and Eastern Europe. The analysis is based on a mean-value comparison of the West European member parties and the affiliated parties from post-communist countries when it comes to Left-Right positions and issue specific positions. Furthermore the analysis is complemented with in-depth analysis of specific cases. Finally the relevance of party size is evaluated in relation to ideological convergence and Europarty influence.

  • 28863.
    Öhlén, Mats
    et al.
    Högskolan Dalarna, Falun, Sweden.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Ideologisk konvergens mellan öst och väst?: de europeiska partifamiljerna 1990-20132015Ingår i: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, Vol. 29, nr 2, s. 167-189Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In this paper we compare ideological positions of political parties in Eastern and Western Europe. As the Communist regimes collapsed and new democracies began to emerge in Eastern Europe, it became obvious that historical and cultural differences existed in relation to Western Europe. This was not least visible among the political parties. When the West European parties initiated contacts with potential sister parties in the East, noticeable differences were revealed in several issues. In general, the eastern parties appeared to be more nationalist, more populist and less tolerant towards minorities than their Western sister parties. The question raised in this paper is whether these differences, have faded or not during the 25-year period after 1989. In order to perform this analysis, the three largest and most influential party families are selected: the Christian Democratic EPP, the Social Democratic PES and the Liberal ALDE. Departing from election manifesto data compiled by the Comparative Manifesto Project, we have performed a time series analysis ranging from 1990 to 2013. Here, the Eastern parties are compared to their Western sister parties within each party family. Firstly, they are compared along the general left-right dimension, and secondly they are compared in specific issues, which have been conceived as delicate matter: the view on the EU, nationalism and view on multiculturalism.

  • 28864.
    Öhlén, Mats
    et al.
    Dalarna university, Sweden.
    Silander, Daniel
    Linnéuniversitetet, Fakulteten för samhällsvetenskap (FSV), Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST).
    Europeanisation, Governance and Policy Processes2020Ingår i: Sweden and the European Union: An Assessment of the Influence of EU-membership on Eleven Policy Areas in Sweden / [ed] Daniel Silander;Mats Öhlén, Stockholm: Santérus Academic Press Sweden, 2020, s. 20-38Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 28865.
    Öhlén, Mats
    et al.
    Dalarna university.
    Silander, Daniel
    Linnéuniversitetet, Fakulteten för samhällsvetenskap (FSV), Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST).
    Europeisering, governance och policyprocesser2016Ingår i: Svensk politik och EU: Hur svensk politik har förändrats av medlemskapet i EU / [ed] Daniel Silander och Mats Öhlén, Stockholm: Santérus Förlag, 2016, s. 21-37Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 28866.
    Öhlén, Mats
    et al.
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Silander, DanielLinnéuniversitetet.
    Sweden and the European Union: An Assessment of the Influence of EU-membership on Eleven Policy Areas in Sweden2020Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Has Swedish policy changed in terms of organisation (form) and content (substance) as a result of an increasingly consolidated membership? Based on the assumption that Swedish policy is part of multilevel governance at a local, regional, national and European level, the focus is on the interaction between Swedish national policy and the EU. In this book Swedish policy refers to the following policy areas: economic, agricultural, environmental, social, education, gender equality, asylum and migration, crime prevention, foreign and security, neighbourhood and development and aid. Every policy area has been scrutinised over time, from the moment of entry into the EU until today. The book addresses students at various levels, as well as politicians, civil servants and journalists with regard to how Sweden and Europe in general, and Swedish policy and the EU in particular, are interwoven in one political system.

  • 28867.
    Öhlén, Mats
    et al.
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Vesterholm, Angelica
    Sedelius, Thomas (Redaktör)
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle.
    Regional samordning: Nyckeln till en bättre integrationspolitik?: En utvärderande fallstudie av överenskommelsen Vägen in i Dalarna2021Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 28868.
    Öhlén, Mats
    et al.
    Högskolan Dalarna.
    Vesterholm, Angelica
    Högskolan Dalarna.
    Regional samordning: Nyckeln till en bättre integrationspolitik? En utvärderande fallstudie av överenskommelsen Vägen in i Dalarna2021Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 28869.
    Öhman, Carl
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The case for a digital world heritage label2022Ingår i: Information & Culture, ISSN 2164-8034, Vol. 57, nr 1, s. 82-95Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Much of humanity's most important digital heritage is under corporate control, which poses several threats to its longevity and authenticity. However, public institutions have little authority to intervene and preserve it, and their doing so is not always a desirable alternative. The goal of this article is to propose a mitigation of this dilemma. I do so in three steps. First, I introduce the concept of digital world heritage, which denotes digital artifacts with a value beyond their utility to any single individual or community. Second, I specify three ways commercial management threatens digital world heritage. Third, I argue that many of these threats may be mitigated by the introduction of a digital world heritage label. This proposal, I contend, does not interfere with the integrity of private data controllers since it does not involve the donation of data archives, yet it does support the long-term preservation of digital heritage.

      

  • 28870.
    Öhman, Carl
    et al.
    Oxford Internet Institute, University of Oxford, United Kingdom,.
    Aggarwal, Nikita
    Faculty of Law, University of Oxford, United Kingdom.
    What if Facebook goes down?: Ethical and legal considerations for the demise of big tech2020Ingår i: Internet Policy Review, E-ISSN 2197-6775, Vol. 9, nr 3Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Society is becoming increasingly dependent on data-rich, “Big Tech” platforms and social networks, such as Facebook and Google. But what happens to our data when these companies close or fail? Despite the high stakes involved, this topic has received only limited attention to date. In this article, we use the hypothetical failure of Facebook as a case study to analyse legal and ethical risks related to the closure of data-rich, Big Tech platforms. Focusing on the EU, we argue that existing governance frameworks are inadequate for addressing these risks and make preliminary recommendations with a view to setting an agenda for future research and policymaking on the demise of Big Tech platforms and data-rich companies more broadly. 

  • 28871.
    Öhman, Linnea
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Som på räls?: En fallstudie av offentlig-privat samverkan vid anläggandet av Bastuträskterminalen i Norsjö kommun2015Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 28872.
    Öhman, Lisa
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Liberalization in times of crises?: A comparative study of labour market policy responses to the Covid-19 pandemic2021Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    The Covid-19 pandemic has generated a serious stress test for welfare states and welfare state institutions. This challenge has been met by unprecedented responses from governments, most notably countrywide shutdowns of substantial sections of economies to facilitate social distancing. Consequently, the health crisis was followed closely by an economic crisis. This situation has created a possibility study a process that predates the pandemic, namely liberalization. The thesis applies the theories of Thelen (2014), who claims that while there is an ongoing liberalization in welfare states, there are varieties of liberalization. She refers to the three trajectories of change deregulatory liberalization, dualizing liberalization and embedded flexibilization. The aim of the thesis is to enhance our understanding of how these varieties of liberalization are affected when countries are faced by massive external change. In pursuing this goal, I construct an analytical framework that illustrates the expected labour market policy responses for two of the three trajectory of change. I then conduct a comparative case study of labour market policy responses in Denmark, the Netherlands, Germany, and Sweden. I compare the expected responses with the actual labour market policy responses to the crisis to detect how their responses relate to the trajectories of change towards liberalization. The findings suggest that while the countries have implemented rather similar responses to the crises, some countries’ path towards liberalization has been strengthened by their labour market policy responses, while other countries have diverted from their path towards liberalization during the Covid-19 crisis. The bigger take-aways from these findings are that the process of liberalization will be affected differently due to countries differing paths towards liberalization, as well as their inherent institutional structures. The findings thus highlight the significance of both path dependence and differing trajectories of change concerning the effects of the Covid-19 crisis on the process of liberalization. 

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 28873.
    Öhman, Lisa
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Importance of Educating Girls: A critical discourse analysis of western development approaches to girls’ education2017Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 28874.
    Öhman, Magnus
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Heart and Soul of the Party: Candidate Selection in Ghana and Africa2004Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The ambition of this book is to shed light on the power dynamics within African political parties through studying how different parties select their candidates for parliamentary elections. Having control over who should represent the party in elections is often considered an important factor in the distribution of power. This is however the first time that this research endeavour has been attempted in an African context. The study’s main focus is on the level of centralisation in the selection process and the vulnerability of incumbent Members of Parliament to challenges from others interested in standing for the party. In addition, attention is given to potential electoral effects of different selection systems and to local expectations on aspirants and MPs.

    The analysis takes place on three levels. A comparative study brings together information from 31 parties in 17 African countries. Thereafter, the selection process in Ghana’s main parties during the latest elections is analysed. Finally, Ghanaian constituency level case studies provide detailed information about the processes.

    All three studies indicate that the selection process is often significantly more decentralised than general theories about African parties would have us assume. In addition, incumbent MPs regularly lose out to challengers from within the party, often due to local discontent. It is argued that the clientelistic ties that play an important part in many African political parties go far in explaining these findings. Although such ties may generally strengthen the power of the centre, they often create possibilities for local party activists to reject patrons who do not fulfil their expectations.

  • 28875.
    Öhman, May-Britt
    Institut d' Études Politiques de Paris .
    Suède1998Ingår i: Les Partis Politiques En Europe de L'Ouest / [ed] Guy Hermet, Julian Thomas Hottinger, Daniel-Louis Seiler, Paris: Economica , 1998, s. 427-445Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 28876.
    Öhrberg, Johan
    Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling.
    Samverkan mellan kommun och näringsliv: en fallstudie av Växtkraft Kinda2007Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (magisterexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats
    Abstract [sv]

    Den här uppsatsen syftar till att undersöka hur kommunal samverkan med det lokala näringslivet utformas utifrån teorier kring governance, policynätverk samt public-private partnerships. Detta genomförs utifrån en fallstudie av projektet ”Växtkraft och företagarutveckling” som är en del av den ekonomiska föreningen Växtkraft Kinda. I uppsatsen undersöks faktorer som gemensamma mål, resursutbyte, ömsesidigt beroende samt förtroende och vilken betydelse dessa har för samverkan. Dessutom granskas hur kontakterna mellan aktörerna är utformade samt vilken betydelse inflytande och konkurrens har i samarbetet.

    I uppsatsen kommer jag fram till att det existerar gemensamt formulerade mål även om de till viss del varierar mellan aktörerna. De resurser som utbyts är förutom de ekonomiska även tid, kunskap, kontakter samt lokaler. Kommunens representanter menar att resursutbytet främst sker i informella miljöer medan näringslivsrepresentanterna anser att resursutbytet äger rum i formella miljöer. Tre av de fem intervjuade anser att det finns ett ömsesidigt beroende mellan kommun och näringsliv samt att det är en omständighet som verkar som en drivande- och positiv kraft i samarbetet. Samtliga intervjuade uppger att förtroende är en viktig komponent i projektet men förtroendet är något mindre bland näringslivsrepresentanterna. De intervjuade uppger även att det finns en viss konkurrens mellan aktörerna inom projektet men att samarbete dominerar. Det finns dock vissa skillnader mellan kommunens och det lokala näringslivets uppfattningar om samarbetet. Kommunens representanter beskriver samarbetet i formella termer medan näringslivsrepresentanterna anser att det skall betraktas som en formell organisation. Dessutom menar kommunen att aktörernas inflytande beror på engagemang och kompetens medan näringslivet anser att storlek och position är avgörande faktorer.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 28877.
    Öhrgren, Monica
    et al.
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Östman, Cecilia
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Var Sveriges EU-ja en preseger?1995Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 28878.
    Öhrlund, Robin Erik
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Surprisingly Large Role of a Semi-Autonomous Russian Republic in Ukraine: Tracing the Chechen Republic’s Path of Heavy Military Involvementin the 2022 Russian Invasion of Ukraine2022Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 28879.
    Öhrming, Jan
    Stockholms universitet.
    Förvaltning av flerbostadshus: om arbetsorganisation och föreställningar som villkor för samspel och boendemedverkan1987Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Utifrån 63 flerbostadshus i Stockholm och Nynäshamn behandlas förvaltningsarbetets uppbyggnad och förlopp. Boken vänder sig främst till förvaltningsansvariga i företag och bostadsrättsföreningar, men även till yrkes- och lekmän med andra relationer till flerbostadshusens förvaltning.

  • 28880.
    Öhrvall, Richard
    Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, Statsvetenskap. Linköpings universitet, Filosofiska fakulteten.
    En klyfta mellan stad och land?2022Ingår i: Snabbtänkt 2.0 22: reflektioner från valet 2022 av ledande forskare / [ed] Niklas Bolin; Kajsa Falasca; Marie Grusell; Lars Nord, Sundsvall: Mittuniversitetet , 2022, s. 97-98Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 28881.
    Öhrvall, Richard
    Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, Statsvetenskap. Linköpings universitet, Filosofiska fakulteten. Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, Centrum för kommunstrategiska studier.
    Ett delat Sverige?: Om skillnader i livsvillkor, värderingar och åsikter mellan stad och land2023Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [sv]

    På flera håll i världen har en politisk polarisering mellan stad och landsbygd vuxit fram. Den har bland annat tagit sig uttryck i form av en landsbygd med minskat förtroende för institutioner och ökat stöd för populistiska partier. Tidigare svenska studier har inte funnit någon tydlig polarisering av detta slag, men det kan hänga samman med vilka frågor som ställts och de geografiska indelningar som använts i dessa studier.

    I den här rapporten undersöks polarisering mellan stad och land med hjälp av en särskild urvalsundersökning som riktar sig till dem som bor i de allra minst och allra mest tätbefolkade delarna av Sverige. En stor del urvalet är dessutom riktat till 18-åringar, vilket gör det möjligt att få en bild av uppfattningarna hos personer som ännu inte hunnit flytta till en annan del av landet för arbete eller utbildning. Totalt sett baseras analyserna på svar från 2 703 personer.

    Rapporten har tre frågor i fokus. Den första frågan avser om personer i stad respektive på landsbygd ger uttryck för ressentiment som har sin grund i platsen där de bor. Med det avses en form av agg och bitterhet som grundar sig i uppfattningen att man i det egna området har fundamentalt skilda värderingar och livsstilar än personer i andra områden, att det egna området ignoreras av politiska beslutsfattare, samt att området inte får sin rättmätiga del av resurserna.

    De resultat som presenteras i den här rapporten ger visst stöd för att det på landsbygden finns ett sådant platsbaserat ressentiment. De som bor där anser att de har andra värderingar än de som bor i städerna och att stadsborna inte bryr sig om landsbygden. De är också av uppfattningen att de politiskt styrande gynnar städer och inte landsbygd. Däremot finns inte stöd för ett sådan ressentiment bland stadsbor. De tycker visserligen också att det finns skillnader i värderingar mellan stad och land, men de anser inte att städerna missgynnas av de politiskt styrande. Tvärtom är de av uppfattningen att det är städerna och inte landsbygden som gynnas i de politiska prioriteringarna.

    Den andra frågan i fokus för rapporten gäller om det finns skillnader mellan stad och land avseende nöjdhet med demokratin, politiskt förtroende och partisympatier. Resultaten visar att så är fallet. Nöjdheten med den nationella demokratin är mindre på landsbygden än i städerna. Landsbygdsborna har även ett något mindre förtroende för riksdag och regering. När det gäller partival och positionering på vänster-höger-skalan går det att på landsbygden finna ett starkare stöd för partier till höger. Omvänt har partier till vänster starkare stöd i städerna. Dessa skillnader mellan stad och land är dessutom betydligt mer påtagliga bland 18-åringar än bland äldre personer.

    Rapportens tredje och sista fråga gäller om personer i städer och på landsbygd har olika syn på framtiden för deras områden. I det avseendet är skillnaderna mellan stad och land inte så stora – i båda grupper är det få som ser negativt på områdets utveckling och de flesta har en framtidstro.

    Även om det finns en framtidstro bland dem på landsbygd bör det missnöje som ändå finns hos dem, och som redovisas i den här rapporten, tas på allvar. Det är ett missnöje som tycks omvandlas till en politisk polarisering mellan stad och land.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    fulltext
    Ladda ner (png)
    presentationsbild
  • 28882.
    Öhrvall, Richard
    Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, Statsvetenskap. Linköpings universitet, Filosofiska fakulteten. Institutet för Näringslivsforskning (IFN).
    Growing into Voting: Election Turnout among Young People and Habit Formation2018Doktorsavhandling, sammanläggning (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [sv]

    Den här avhandlingen innefattar ett introduktionskapitel och fyra artiklar som tillsammans behandlar valdeltagande och röstning som en vana. Även om röstning i allmänna val är den mest jämlika formen av politiskt deltagande finns ändå tydliga skillnader i deltagande mellan befolkningsgrupper med olika socioekonomisk bakgrund. Ett sätt att nå ett mer jämlikt deltagande är genom ett högre valdeltagande. Det är innebörden av det lagbundna samband som Tingsten fann år 1937 och som förutsäger att skillnaden i deltagande mellan olika grupper är mindre ju högre valdeltagandet är. I avhandlingens första artikel, samförfattad med Mikael Persson och Maria Solevid, undersöker vi om detta samband fortfarande har empiriskt stöd och finner att så är fallet. 

    En tänkbar väg till ett högre valdeltagande går via ett främjande av vanemässig röstning. En del forskare hävdar nämligen att röstning är en vana och att den vanan formas redan i de första val där en ung person har möjlighet rösta. Huruvida röstning är en vana är dock omdebatterat. Tre av avhandlingens artiklar tar på olika sätt upp den frågan. I avhandlingens andra artikel studerar jag unga personer som beroende på när de är födda får rösta för första gången vid olika åldrar och därmed i skilda social kontexter. Frågan jag ställer är hur dessa skillnader påverkar deras benägenhet att rösta i det valet och i det därpå följande. Vissa unga personer får rösta för första gången efter att ha nått rösträttsåldern i ett Europaparlamentsval där valdeltagandet är lågt. I den tredje artikeln undersöker jag ifall den erfarenheten har någon inverkan på deltagandet i ett därpå följande riksdagsval. I den fjärde artikeln, samförfattad med Sven Oskarsson, studerar vi om de skolval som arrangeras i många skolor har någon inverkan på studenters senare deltagande i riktiga val.

    Avhandlingens huvudresultat är att deltagande i det första valet en ung person får rösta i saknar den betydelse för framtida valdeltagande som hävdats i tidigare forskning. Oavsett om det första valet äger rum i en kontext som främjar röstning eller om det är ett val som väcker lite intresse, får det ingen substantiell effekt på benägenheten att rösta i följande val. En implikation av detta resultat är att en sänkt rösträttsålder troligen inte skulle ge ett högre valdeltagande, inte ens på längre sikt.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    Growing into Voting: Election Turnout among Young People and Habit Formation
    Ladda ner (pdf)
    omslag
    Ladda ner (png)
    presentationsbild
  • 28883.
    Öhrvall, Richard
    Statistiska centralbyrån (SCB) Stockholm.
    Invandrade och valdeltagande2006Ingår i: Valets mekanismer / [ed] Hanna Bäck & Mikael Gilljam, Malmö: Liber, 2006, 1, s. 61-78Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 28884.
    Öhrvall, Richard
    Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, Statsvetenskap. Linköpings universitet, Filosofiska fakulteten. Statistiska centralbyrån (SCB).
    Svenskt valdeltagande under hundra år2012Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 28885.
    Öhrvall, Richard
    Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, Statsvetenskap. Linköpings universitet, Filosofiska fakulteten. Statistiska centralbyrån (SCB).
    Valdeltagande vid omvalen 20112012Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 28886.
    Öhrvall, Richard
    Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, Statsvetenskap. Linköpings universitet, Filosofiska fakulteten. Statistiska centralbyrån (SCB).
    Vilka valde att välja?: Deltagandet i valen 20142015Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 28887.
    Öhrvall, Richard
    Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, Statsvetenskap. Linköpings universitet, Filosofiska fakulteten. Institutet för Näringslivsforskning (IFN).
    Voter Turnout2015Ingår i: Oxford Handbook of Swedish Politics / [ed] Jon Pierre, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015, 1, s. 229-245Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    For several decades, Sweden has had a relatively high voter turnout, both in relation to the first half of the 20th century and in comparison with other countries. Still, even in this high-turnout context substantial differences in turnout can be found when comparing different population groups. Demographic characteristics and socioeconomic resources are related to the propensity to vote. A more general conclusion is that voter turnout is associated with a higher level of equality in participation. The increase in turnout in recent Swedish elections has led to a more equal participation. 

  • 28888.
    Öhrvall, Richard
    et al.
    Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, Statsvetenskap. Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för studier av samhällsutveckling och kultur, Centrum för kommunstrategiska studier – CKS. Linköpings universitet, Filosofiska fakulteten. Institutet för Näringslivsforskning (IFN), Stockholm.
    Oskarsson, Sven
    Department of Government, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden.
    Practice makes voters?: Effects of student mock elections on turnout2020Ingår i: Politics, ISSN 0263-3957, E-ISSN 1467-9256, Vol. 40, nr 3, s. 377-393Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Student mock elections are conducted in schools around the world in an effort to increase political interest and efficacy among students. There is, however, a lack of research on whether mock elections in schools enhance voter turnout in real elections. In this article, we examine whether the propensity to vote in Swedish elections is higher among young people who have previously experienced a student mock election. The analysis is based on unique administrative population-wide data on turnout in the Swedish 2010 parliamentary election and the 2009 European Parliament election. Our results show that having experienced a mock election as a student does not increase the likelihood of voting in subsequent real elections. This result holds when we study both short- and long-term effects, and when we divide our sample into different parts depending on their socio-economic status and study each part separately.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 28889.
    Öhrvall, Richard
    et al.
    Linköping Univ, Ctr Municipal Studies CKS, SE-58183 Linköping, Sweden.;Res Inst Ind Econ IFN, Stockholm, Sweden..
    Oskarsson, Sven
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Practice makes voters?: Effects of student mock elections on turnout2020Ingår i: Politics, ISSN 0263-3957, E-ISSN 1467-9256, Vol. 40, nr 3, s. 377-393Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Student mock elections are conducted in schools around the world in an effort to increase political interest and efficacy among students. There is, however, a lack of research on whether mock elections in schools enhance voter turnout in real elections. In this article, we examine whether the propensity to vote in Swedish elections is higher among young people who have previously experienced a student mock election. The analysis is based on unique administrative population-wide data on turnout in the Swedish 2010 parliamentary election and the 2009 European Parliament election. Our results show that having experienced a mock election as a student does not increase the likelihood of voting in subsequent real elections. This result holds when we study both short- and long-term effects, and when we divide our sample into different parts depending on their socio-economic status and study each part separately.

  • 28890.
    Öjehag Pettersson, Andreas
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper. Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Gloarchy: Polyarchy in the Age of Globalization2008Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis tries to evaluate the very large question of how globalization can be said to have an effect on democracy by reducing both concepts to a more usable format. In doing so it tries to evaluate how a special theory of democracy put forward by Robert Dahl in 1971 – polyarchy – could be said to be affected by the workings of contemporary globalization. When assessing the variables of the investigation, globalization is being represented by two constructed ideal images that are later measured against a set of seven variables extracted from Dahl’s theory.

    By the use of qualitative text analysis the constructed ideal types help provide a framework for how one can measure the effects of globalization on polyarchy. The analysis ends in a result where it is clear that if globalization is understood as a neo-liberal ideal image it is making the circumstances for the creation of polyarchies in the future more favorable. However, if globalization is understood as an ideal image of world-system theory explanations then the circumstances for future polyarchies are less favorable. In a concluding discussion important implications of the results are highlighted when the thesis concludes that regardless of ideological starting point globalization can be said to affect the theory of polyarchy in such a way that it is in dire need of reevaluation. At the same time the essay concludes that whenever the concept of globalization is being used with scientific ambitions by politicians, they need to be aware of, and reflect, the different results that it brings depending on how it is explained.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 28891.
    Öjehag-Pettersson, Andreas
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013).
    Assembling Markets: The Case of Public Procurement in Sweden2021Ingår i: Producing markets, producing administrations: Theorizing contemporary marketization, 2021Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
  • 28892.
    Öjehag-Pettersson, Andreas
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper.
    Establishing Conformity: Globalization Perspectives of Four Nordic Countries2009Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (magisterexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    By first arguing for the fact that globalization is a concept under contest within the social sciences this thesis develops a tool to classify perspectives of globalization. This tool is then applied to textual documents that represents the so called globalization councils (or initiatives) of Sweden, Denmark, Finland and Norway. Each document is then classified as falling within one of four perspectives of globalization; Liberalisms, Marxisms, Constructivisms and Post-colonialisms. By analyzing a number of documents tied to all four councils and initiatives the thesis is able to interpret what perspective of globalization that is dominant within each of them. Since all four nations examined aspire to use scientific methods to deal with the challenges of globalization they should reflect the diverse state of explanations present within the social scientific community. The thesis finds that this is not the case. While the Norwegian initiative establishes a platform where the concept of globalization could be said to be broadly debated and understood, the other three nations show an astonishing conformity around the perspective named Liberalisms.

    In a concluding discussion the thesis argues that the results of the study cannot be fully explained by differences within the institutional arrangement among the councils and initiatives. Instead the thesis holds that the results can be explained by investigating how science is used in modern society to establish truths that are not necessarily the views of the scientific community. Using theories by Georg Henrik von Wright and Chantal Mouffe the essay concludes that the conformity could be understood as a part of a process that some social scientists call post-politics.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 28893.
    Öjehag-Pettersson, Andreas
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013).
    Gränsens politik: Om attityder till flyktingmottagande i Värmland och Sverige2016Ingår i: Värmländska utmaningar: Politik, ekonomi, samhälle, kultur, medier / [ed] Norell, P O & Nilsson, Lennart, Karlstad: Karlstad University Press, 2016, s. 297-319Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 28894.
    Öjehag-Pettersson, Andreas
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap.
    In the Midst of the Global Sub-national: Rationalities, Technologies and Subjects In Swedish Regional Governance2014Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The ’global’ is often articulated as a particular level of space situated at the highest tier of a hierarchical order that has its other extreme point in the local. In such models globalization becomes a process, or indeed a force, that shapes and reconfigures other levels of space such as the national. What is more, integrated with the conceptualization of the ‘global’ as a level of space is often a view of globalization as a phenomenon primarily constituted by a range of different flows of for instance immigrants, capital and information (Castells, 1999; Holton, 2005, Held & McGrew, 2007).

    This paper departs from a different understanding as it investigates how globalization is (re)produced in a particular form of space. Here, space is understood to be relational (Massey, 1994; 2005), meaning that I do not consider the ‘global’ to be a level on its own, rather I theorize the global, like all other forms of spaces, as produced through a myriad of social practices and relations.

    Given such an understanding of globalization an interesting development the last decades has been a resurgence of sub-national regions. In the literature this newfound focus on regions within national polities is often articulated as means for competitiveness (Säll, 2012; Keating, 2003). All around the world regions are engaged in a large number of practices that aims to foster competitiveness and growth in order to deal with the perceived challenges of globalization. Hence, so-called clusters, innovation systems and programs for variegated forms of creativity are now everyday features of sub-national regional governance (Florida, 2012; Porter, 1998).

    Therefore, rather than studying national space, in this paper I show how sub-national regional governance is an important site for discursive production of globalization. Instead of focusing on how different flows affects individual regions, the priority here is on the regime of practice that is sub-national regional governance in a wider sense. Utilizing a governmentality approach (Miller & Rose, 2008; Dean, 2010) the paper investigates a corpus of documents pertaining to Swedish regional governance using a mixed set of techniques from Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Post-Structuralist Discourse Theory (PDT). The results highlight how the ‘global’ rationality is (re)produced in the Swedish case and how this together with a number of governmental technologies produces desired and undesired regional subjects.   

  • 28895.
    Öjehag-Pettersson, Andreas
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap.
    In the Midst of the Global Sub-national: Rationalities, Technologies and Subjects in Swedish Regional Governance2014Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper studies the discursive construction of globalization as a particular form of rationale in sub-national regional development. As such it departs from an understanding of space as relational and holds that globalization can be theorized as a reconfiguration of the spatial aspects of our social relations (Massey, 1994, 2005). Therefore, it is argued here, to investigate globalization is to investigate aspects of the multiplicity of social relations that (re)produces the phenomenon. Using a governmentality framework (Dean, 2010) I trace how globalization is discursively (re)produced within a particular regime of practice, namely regional development in Sweden. Adopting such a framework and relating it to this instance of space enables novel interpretations of how globalization not only legitimizes certain practices but also how this in turn (re)articulates the concept, giving it specific meanings and features. At the same time it is shown here how this articulation produces and delimits social actors within the regions, illustrating concrete effects of globalization.

  • 28896.
    Öjehag-Pettersson, Andreas
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013).
    Making space for competition: The rationalities of contemporary regional development2024Ingår i: Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space, ISSN 2399-6544, E-ISSN 2399-6552, Vol. 42, nr 2, s. 198-214Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Taking as its starting premise that we have a politics of space because space is political at the level of ontology, this article investigates how the governing of regional development is guided by a set of prominent political rationalities that revolve around the notions of competition and competitiveness. To this end, I mobilise the Foucauldian framework of governmentality to provide empirical illustrations drawn from a 5-year long research project concerning globalisation in Swedish sub-national regions. These illustrations show how regions are governed through rationalities that stress adaptability, attraction, environment and sustainability as well as leadership in order to prevail in their inevitable competition for vital resources. I argue that as these chains of rationale are put into motion in the contemporary politics of space, they not only promote specific and particular ways of developing regions, but also displace certain practices and objects from the realm of the political to the realm of a natural order. I therefore conclude that current expressions of the politics of space have strong tendencies to deny its own political foundations. Instead, competition and competitiveness are inscribed as naturally occurring features in social relations, thereby elevating their importance in the creation of new sub-national spaces.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 28897.
    Öjehag-Pettersson, Andreas
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013).
    Measuring Innovation Space: Numerical Devices as Governmental Technologies2016Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Throughout Europe sub-national regions are restructured and reformed in line with the EU2020 policy program which dictates a clear focus on growth through the fostering of innovation and entrepreneurship. While this process is articulated differently in separate contexts it has a range of common features. One of these is the wide spread adoption of calculative devices and measurement tools that are installed as transparent means for governing and monitoring the ongoing strive for growth and innovation. In this paper it is argued that the contemporary practices and discourses tied to regional development in Europe and beyond can be described as the production of new innovation spaces. Intrinsic to this production is a vast register of indices, rankings and award ceremonies directed at finding and monitoring the most innovative regions, projects and policies which in turn facilitates the grounds for notions of policy learning and so called best practice. By mobilizing the growing literature on the sociological functions of numbers as well as the scholarship on the politics and power of calculative practices in governance, the paper critically examines important aspects of the installment of innovation spaces. More specifically, by following the manufacturing and installment of an index designed to measure innovative capacity of Swedish regions, the paper shows how such governmental technologies helps to legitimize and depoliticize the production of innovation spaces. The index has been released in three iterations since 2011 with an explicit focus on ranking for the sake of policy learning. It is produced by RegLab, an organization comprised of the 21 regions in Sweden as well as a number of important state agencies, and its deployment and influence on regional policy is traced here by focusing on the documentation and detailed description of the numerical calculations and data sources that are assembled together in order to produce the composite measures used to asses the innovative capacity of all regions. Moreover the influence of the index and its manifest expressions in regional policy is illustrated by examining some of the Regional Development Strategies (RDS).

  • 28898.
    Öjehag-Pettersson, Andreas
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013).
    Measuring innovation space: Numerical devices as governmental technologies2019Ingår i: Territory, Politics, Governance, ISSN 2162-2671, s. 1-18Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The context of sub-national regions in Sweden is used to illustrate how rankings and indices operate as part of contemporary governing of space and territory. An empirical study of an index designed to measure the innovative capacity of these regions is presented to illustrate how such numerical devices are invoked as part of policy by providing policy-makers with a means to define reality, guide strategy and legitimize certain actions. Drawing on both the literatures of governmentality and the sociology of quantification, the construction of the index and its deployment into politics are examined with a focus on the performative aspects of mobilizing such technologies in governing. The analysis shows how an instrument intended as a learning tool for regions and regional policy-makers turns into a device through which power operates in the processes of marking, grading and commensuration, in turn reinforcing established orders among the regions. Following from this, it is found that such numerical devices are important governmental technologies that help relay and institute political rationalities. Therefore, they should be considered more carefully in any analysis of discourses of regional development, which is a field permeated by rationalities of innovation and competitiveness.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 28899.
    Öjehag-Pettersson, Andreas
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap.
    Producing Globalization:: Legitimizing Regional Governance Regimes2014Ingår i: Diverse Regions: Building Resilient Communities and Territories / [ed] Elizabeth Mitchell, Regional Studies Association , 2014, s. 103-Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper explores the discursive construction of globalization as a particular form of rationale in sub-national regional development. As such it departs from an understanding of space as relational and holds that globalization can be theorized as a reconfiguration of the spatial aspects of our social relations (Massey, 1994, 2005). Therefore, it is argued here, to investigate globalization is to investigate aspects of the multiplicity of social relations that (re)produces the phenomenon.

    Here I depart from an instance of space that has not often been used as a basis for understanding articulations of globalization, namely the sub-national region. Using a governmentality framework (Dean, 2010) I trace how globalization is discursively (re)produced within regional governance in Sweden, focusing on the practices, technologies and rationalities that constitutes this regime.

    More specifically, in terms of empiric material, I analyze a broad corpus of Regional Governance Documents (RGD) as well as the wide production of reports that was the outcome of Sweden’s so called Globalization Council. Methodologically the analysis is situated within the aforementioned framework of governmentality studies (Dean, 2010; Miller & Rose, 2008). This framework is then used as a point of departure for a form of discourse analysis that combines concepts from both Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Post-structuralist Discourse Theory (PDT). 

    This alignment of theory, methodology and empiric material enables me to produce three main areas of findings. First, by illustrating how globalization is framed in the regional governance documents as intertwined with notions of competition, growth and competitiveness I am able to demonstrate how this discursively legitimizes and fosters a certain range of practices. A particularly salient finding is how the documents contain articulations of a perspective of globalization that renders the phenomenon as more or less a natural force that is unavoidable and unchangeable. Second, in terms of relational space the discursive legitimization also contributes to the production of globalization in other forms of space, hence reinforcing general neo-liberal traits of the phenomenon that extends to regions, nations and continents around the world. Third, the paper also shows how the methodological framework that is used proved particularly fruitful in this case. Therefore, some time is spent reflecting on the possible benefits of combining CDA, PDT and governmentality and I argue that such multi-perspectival approaches are needed to illustrate the complex relay system of practices that produces globalization and regional governance.

  • 28900.
    Öjehag-Pettersson, Andreas
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap.
    Researching Regimes of Practice: Towards a Governmentality CDA Framework2013Konferensbidrag (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
575576577578579580581 28851 - 28900 av 29200
RefereraExporteraLänk till träfflistan
Permanent länk
Referera
Referensformat
  • apa
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association-8th-edition
  • vancouver
  • Annat format
Fler format
Språk
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Annat språk
Fler språk
Utmatningsformat
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf