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  • 201.
    Adolfsson, Tim
    et al.
    Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, Statsvetenskap.
    Eriksson, Adam
    Den mediala diskursordningen i förändring: En jämförande kritisk diskursanalys av medias framställning av Sverigedemokraterna.2019Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    The Sweden democrats has for a long time been labelled as a racist party in swedish media. Due to the problems related to the members of the party in the 90s, where members were subject to criminal actions and racist scandals, the media had focus on the racist actions and labelled the party as a racist party therefore. How does the discourse present itself today? The purpose is to make a comparative study between the year 2014 and 2018/2019 and to research if the discourse surrounding the sweden democrats has changed during this time. Relevance for the study is how we discover, categorize and give the discourses names that helps us and also the reader to understand the process about how the media picture Sweden democrats. Our method is a comparative critical discourse analysis that we are going to use on articles published in the two largest newspapers in sweden, Aftonbladet and Expressen. We will locate the surrounding discourses from 2014 at first and then locate what kind of discourses is surrounding the party in 2018/2019. The main discourse from 2014 is the racist discourse, it´s present in nearly every article we analyse. With the racist discourse, the big difference is that the discourse is changing. When we look upon 2018/2019, new discourses take place, the new discourses we locate it’s the right populism-, scandal- and normalization discourse, the rasism discourse is still present but not so extensive as during 2014. During 2014 the racism discourse depends on the scandal discourse, this changes significant, the scandal discourse is no longer in 2018/2019 dependent on the racism discourse, but it acutally transforms into its own discourse. The focus on racism is almost gone and new scandals take place instead. In combination with the normalization discourse we can se that there has been a change, actually a big change in the media discourse surrounding the Sweden democrats.

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    Den mediala diskursordningen i förändring
  • 202.
    Adolfsson, Tobias
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Med medierna som vapen: De strategiska narrativens nya roll i modern krigföring2016Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    Information is power in the 21st century and strategic narratives through framing are nowadays regarded as part of the modern armoury of war. States constantly compete to create credible narratives in support of their actions on the international policy arena. After the Crimean crisis in 2014 the world was forced to open its eyes to medias new usage in modern warfare. State funded news agencies play an important role in this recent development and one of the most prominent actors is Russia. This thesis seeks to contribute to the discussion of strategic narratives and framing in the news media through a case study of the Russian news site Sputnik News. The thesis focuses on the news agency’s depiction of five empirical events in which the Swedish and Russian armed forces were involved during 2014 and 2015. A qualitative analysis of 25 news articles discussing the five events has detected proof of pro-Russian framing processes. The aim of Sputnik News seems to be a transformation of the general Swedish frame regarding Russia itself and perhaps more specifically Russia’s recent change in foreign policy.

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  • 203.
    Adolfsson, Tobias
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    The Rise of Resilience in EU Foreign Policy – A Shift of Paradigm or Parlance?: A comparative case study of the EU foreign policy before and after the EU Global Strategy2019Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    This master’s thesis studies the European Union’s (EU) foreign policy in the Eastern Partnership before and after the EU Global Strategy (EUGS) and investigates whether or not there has been a policy shift towards the paradigm of resilience. Previous research disagrees on the implications of the EUGS and I argue that more empirical research on the matter is needed. The purpose of this thesis is thus to empirically investigate whether or not a shift in EU foreign policy towards a paradigm of resilience has indeed taken place in practice after the launch of the EUGS. Two sources of data are used in the study: the first and principal are the annual action programmes for the Eastern Partnership used by the EU for planning and delivering of external assistance; the second is a set of semi-structured elite interviews conducted with respondents representing the Eastern Partnership and the EU respectively. The results are mixed, showing a slight trend towards resilience-building but no ground-breaking paradigm shift has occurred. I argue that the resilience-building focus and principled pragmatism approach presented by the EUGS rather should be seen as an attempt by the EU to be honest with the foreign policy it is already conducting.

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  • 204.
    Adolfsson, Åsa
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Jämställdhet: En fråga om tillväxt2001Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 205.
    Adolphson, Linda
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Svensson, Hanna
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    TJÄNSTEPERSONERS MAKT I KOMMUNALA FÖRVALTNINGAR -En studie om likheter och skillnader av tjänstepersoners makt i en större och en mindre svensk kommun2019Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    There is a democratic ideal that politicians are the decision- and policymakers while the public servants should serve as their policy executers. However, this ideal could be questioned as the public servants also have the capacity to make decisions that concerns the citizens. This thesis answers the questions whether there are differences and similarities of power held by the public servants in one larger and one smaller Swedish municipality, and if there is a larger extent to power for the public servants in the smaller municipality. By analysing and comparing interviews and control documents this study shows that the public servants in the larger municipality may have less power because of a different structure of the organisation and more political frameworks that regulate the administration. The public servants in the smaller municipality have more power in contributing ideas and knowledge for decision-making and implementation. It’s easier for the executive manager in the smaller municipality to influence in evaluations and the agenda setting.

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  • 206.
    Adong, Florence Odora
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Conflict, Displacement and Transformation.
    Recovery and Development Politics: Options for Sustainable Peacebuilding in Northern Uganda2011Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 207.
    Adrin, Marco
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Champagnesocialister eller arbetarklasshöger?: Egotropiska partisympatier i Sverige 1986-20202023Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    Previous research on egotropic voting behavior has examined specific elections and short-term periods, providing limited insights. In this study, I aim to complement and expand the understanding by investigating the phenomenon over a longer time span and specifically focusing on party sympathies of voters, which also captures behavior between elections in Sweden. Using survey data from the SOM Institute, the associations between different levels of household income and their co-variation with party sympathies within various political blocs on a left-right scale are examined through regression analysis. The study demonstrates support for the notion that voters exhibit varying party affiliations in relation to household income. However, the statistically significant results are somewhat weakened when controlling for factors such as education, gender, age, employment, and residential location. To some extent, these findings confirm previous research conclusions that higher incomes are strongly associated with sympathy for and voting for right- wing parties, whereas lower incomes exhibit a stronger relationship with sympathies for left-wing parties. A considerably weaker but similar pattern emerges for household incomes in relation to radical right-wing parties, where low-income households show a greater propensity to vote for these parties compared to high-income households.

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    Kandidatuppsats.M.Adrin.2023
  • 208.
    Adscheid, Toni
    et al.
    Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för studier av samhällsutveckling och kultur, Centrum för kommunstrategiska studier – CKS. Linköpings universitet, Filosofiska fakulteten.
    Schmitt, Peter
    Stockholm Univ, Sweden.
    Mobilising post-political environments: tracing the selective geographies of Swedish sustainable urban development2021Ingår i: Urban Research and Practice, ISSN 1753-5069, E-ISSN 1753-5077, Vol. 14, nr 2, s. 117-137Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper develops an analytical framework from which to understand the mobilisation of post-political urban environments across spatial and institutional contexts. Our analysis of two closely related cases from a Swedish context reveals the potential benefits of combining studies on urban political ecology and policy mobility. By utilising Actor-Network Theory (ANT) we illustrate how post-political environments that are shaped by mobile and mutating policies of sustainable urban development are stabilised through distinct discursive strategies, capital investments and the desire for increased influence within global frames of action and contribute to the creation of, what we call, selective geographies.

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  • 209.
    Adzievski, Patrik
    Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS).
    Intervention kontra suveränitet: En argumentationsanalys av NATO:s humanitära intervention i Kosovo 19992021Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    In recent decades, the international community has been dominated by discussions about the legitimacy of humanitarian interventions. In connection with this discussion, we have been able to see different point of views from different actors, including world leaders, where the question is whether emphasis should be placed on sovereignty or on the protection of human rights. The humanitarian intervention in Kosovo in 1999 carried out by NATO, led by the United States, is a clear example where there were divided opinions on whether an intervention is necessary and in accordance with the norms of the international community. Previous research shows that world leaders' positions and actions in the international arena can be explained by norms and by constructivist theory

    This essay examines statements made by the key actors and former presidents, Bill Clinton and Slobodan Milosevic, in connection with the intervention in Kosovo in 1999. With the aim of examining the norms and principles that support world leaders' arguments in connection with humanitarian interventions, with the support of an argumentative analysis. The analysis shows that there are similarities between Clinton's and Milosevic's norms and perceptions of the world in general, despite their opposing views on the intervention in Kosovo. 

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  • 210.
    Adén, Jennifher
    Försvarshögskolan.
    Terrorister i klassrummet: En policystudie om gestaltningar av barn i brittisk kontraterrorismdiskurs2017Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    In January 2016, a four-year-old child in England was accused by his nursery school teacher to be radicalized after he drew a picture of a man holding a knife. The child was threatened to be reported to the British anti-radicalisation program Channel. This example is just one of many cases in the UK where children have been considered as potential terrorists. During 2015-2016, a total of 2 127 children under the age of 15 have been referred to the Channel programme.

    Statistics show that children in no respect dominate participation in terrorist crimes. Only 4 % 3 514 arrests related to terrorism in the UK have been of children under 18 years of age. Although the UK government has stated that there is little evidence that children have been radicalised the number of referrals continue to rise.

    This study asks the question of why children are being suspected as terrorists or security problems, although statistics and governmental statements contradict it. By conducting a discourse analysis aimed to study how children are being portrayed in political discourse, together with Carol Bacchi’s policy theory ’What’s the problem represented to be’ (WPR) it has been seen that portrayals of children hide other underlying political problems connected to this issue. Portrayals of children as easily manipulated and vulnerable individuals in need of protection work as a cover up for the state’s deeper need of control over the multifaceted and ambiguous extremist threat.   

  • 211.
    Adén, Jennifher
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Young offenders: Villains or victims? A study on dehumanizing rhetoric, political attitudes to causes of crime and portrayals of young offenders2022Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this thesis is to study how dehumanization may be enabling the more penalistic approach to gang criminality which has been dominating Swedish crime policy in later years. The focus is to research whether there is any relationship between dehumanizing rhetoric and political perceptions on causes of crime. Specifically, the study focuses on how minors, who have increasingly become more involved in gang criminality, are portrayed by politicians within Swedish Justice Committee debates between 2012-2022. The study will carry out a quantitative content analysis with qualitative features and use a theoretical framework on dehumanization which is founded on social psychology research. The application of the framework demonstrates how humanness is defined and how it may be denied through language.The results of the study show that right-wing parties assign causes of crime to the individual and more frequently use dehumanizing rhetoric compared to left-wing parties. The study concludes that parties attributing individual characteristics as the main cause of criminality are more inclined to dehumanize young offenders. The research demonstrates the fruitfulness of combining knowledge from different research disciplines, in particular finding new ways to explain how psychological mechanisms on a micro-level can impact political events on a macro-level.

  • 212.
    Aeby, Michael
    Graduate Institute, Geneva, Switzerland.
    Peace and security challenges in Southern Africa: governance deficits and lacklustre regional conflict management2018Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Armed insurgencies, social cleavages and governance deficits relating to authoritarian rule and abuse of state resources all imperil peace and stability in Southern Africa. The Southern African Development Community’s institutional framework for regional peace and security is proving ineffective because its leaders are unwilling to enforce democratic principles.

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  • 213.
    Aeby, Michael
    University of Cape Town, Institute for Democracy, Citizenship and Public Policy in Africa (IDCPPA), Cape Town, South Africa.
    SADC – the southern arrested development community?: enduring challenges to peace and security in Southern Africa2019Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Southern Africa is likely to experience more social unrest in the foreseeable future. That is one of the conclusions in this policy dialogue, which provides an overview of political and economic developments relevant to regional peace and security in Southern Africa.

    While the region continues to experience isolated armed conflicts, and while developmental backlogs present a major risk to regional stability in the long run, currently the most acute source of instability stems from governance deficits, which in the past decade have prompted crises in many of the member states of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). SADC’s institutional framework for regional peace and security has proven ineffective because SADC leaders have prioritised national sovereignty over the enforcement of democratic principles. The institutions have little capacity as they lack material and political support. The governance deficits and SADC’s lacklustre conflict management may in the long run arrest development in Southern Africa.

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  • 214.
    af Ekenstam, Pauline
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Transforming Development?: A Qualitative Study of Sida’s Social Safety Net Programmes2019Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 215.
    af Geijerstam, Erik
    Högskolan Väst, Institutionen för ekonomi och it.
    Den politiska visionen: Kunskapsdiskrepans i kommunal samhällsutveckling2022Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 30 poäng / 45 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    The background to this study lies in a problem that was discovered during the research internship on which this compilation thesis is based on. Namely, a knowledge gap between the politicians and the civil servants in a municipality, this study has chosen to call it a knowledge discrepancy. Research and theory on the relationship between politicians and civil servants has shown that various problems and dilemmas arise between politicians and civil servants in both municipalities and other politically steered organisations. Therefore, it is important to point out that this knowledge discrepancy should not be seen as unique to a specific municipality, but rather to politically steered organisations in general.The purpose of this study is to investigate knowledge perspectives on municipal developmentin relation to an evidence-based policy perspective. To concretize the formulation of the problem, the study examines how civil servants view the municipality's political vision for sustainable local development. By interviewing civil servants who work with sustainable local development, the study analyses what the civil servants consider relevant and possible, in relation to the municipality's political vision. As a theoretical framework and perspective, the study uses an evidence-based policy perspective as a starting point to highlight different perspectives in relation to the political goals. Based on an evidence-based policy perspective, the results of the study can be divided into a discussion around three different categories, namely those of whether a goal is based on facts, knowledge and research, that there is a relevant need, and whether the goal is feasible. These three categories may also represent conflicts or dilemmas that may arise between politics and civil servants. This conflict can also be described as a discrepancy between politics and civil servants. What this study has concluded is that, in general, the goals have in most cases according to the civil servants been well supported by facts, knowledge and research. And there has been a relevant need for most of the goals, and they should be given high priority by the municipality. However, where discussion or a discrepancy often arose is about the feasibility of the goals. In this, there is a discrepancy between the political goal and the civil servant’s knowledge of feasibility, this could be considered a knowledge discrepancy regarding feasibility between civil servants and the political goals. 

  • 216.
    af Ugglas Linder, Wilhelm
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    CIVILFÖRSVARETS NEDMONTERING: En kvalitativ analys av argumenten bakom Sveriges nedmontering av det civila försvaret.2021Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
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  • 217.
    Aflaki, Inga Narbutaite
    et al.
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap.
    Petridou, Evangelia
    Mid-Sweden University.
    Miles, Lee
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap. UK.
    Entrepreneurship in the polis: Understanding political entrepreneurship2015 (uppl. 1)Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Dynamics of entrepreneurship have attracted growing attention from scholars of political science, policy studies, public administration and planning, as well as more recently, from the realms of international relations and foreign policy analysis. Under the banner of political entrepreneurship, this volume considers and maps out conceptual approaches to the study of entrepreneurship drawn from these fields, discusses synergies, envisages new analytical tools and offers contemporary empirical case studies, illustrating the diverse political contexts in which entrepreneurship takes place in the polis. Drawing upon an international cast of senior academics and cutting edge young researchers, the volume takes a closer look at key aspects of political entrepreneurship, such as, defining political entrepreneurs, how it relates to change, decision-making and strategies, organizational arrangements, institutional rules, varying contexts and future research agendas. By highlighting the political aspects of entrepreneurship, the volume presents new exciting opportunities for understanding entrepreneurial activities at regional, national and international levels. The volume will be of particular relevance to scholars and students of political science, policy studies, public administration, planning, international relations and business studies as well as practitioners interested in the nexus and utility of entrepreneurship in the modern-day political world.

  • 218.
    Afram, George
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Akbari, Mohsen
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Gasa eller bromsa? Digitala välfärdsteknikens framfart i äldreomsorgen: En Kvalitativ studie i Askersund kommun och Örebro kommun2024Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    This essay conducts a qualitative analysis of the integration and challenges of digital welfare technology in elderly care within Askersund and Orebro municipalities in Sweden. This study is timely and significant due to the rapid demographic shifts in Sweden, particularly the projected increase in the elderly population, emphasizing an urgent need for adaptive measures in the welfare sector. Central to this essay is the exploration of how these two municipalities navigate the complexities of integrating digital welfare technology into their elderly care services. The study uses Talbot's model to understand the dynamics of public and process interests in implementing such technology. This theoretical approach allows for an in depth examination of how each municipality, with their unique demographic, organizational and responds to the implementation challenges. Key aspects of this study include examining the readiness and response of elderly individuals to digital welfare technology, the challenges faced by healthcare personnel due to knowledge gaps, and the broader societal implications of these technological advancements. The essay also delves into the ethical considerations and the need for balance between technological efficiency and the quality of human-centered care. The findings highlight the diverse strategies employed by Askersund and Orebro and the challenges encountered in the process. The study contributes to a broader understanding of digital welfare technology in elderly care, emphasizing the importance of competency development, ethical deployment of technology, and the impact of regulatory and strategic guidelines from higher authorities.

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    Gasa eller bromsa? Digitala välfärdsteknikens framfart i äldreomsorgen: En Kvalitativ studie i Askersund kommun och Örebro kommun
  • 219.
    Afsah, Daniel
    Linnéuniversitetet, Fakulteten för samhällsvetenskap (FSV), Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST).
    Ukraina som nation & stat: En studie om hur etniska motsättningar kan vara ett hinder för demokratiseringsprocessen & hur det skulle kunna lösas.2018Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose with this study is to investigate, scrutinize and to understand the current political situation in Ukraine and why it has not been progressed. The disastrous democratic process and the country´s existing and indefatigable problems are studied through dynamics that deals with the country’s ethnic divisions and the conflict with Russia regarding several regions in Ukraine. In this paper, a case study is used as the method, and by applying Anna Jarstads dilemmas of democracy process and Arend Lijpharts Consociational democracy is as well, the investigation shows that this system of democracy model can be successful Ukraine if they take regards to Anna Jarstads four dilemmas. The conclusion of this study means that it is important to take regards into the dilemmas of democracy and therefore must be regarded to when a country is trying to build a state based on democracy and that no improvement can be done without it. And the process of democracy should take impression of the Consociational democracy model, otherwise it´s more likely that the political volatility will remain and further increase.

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  • 220.
    Afsharian, Maral
    Försvarshögskolan.
    Human Security on/off the Agenda? A Framing Analysis of NATO’s Security Discourse From 1999 Until 20222024Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis aims to contribute to a deeper understanding of how and to what extent, NATO frames human security notions through its security discourse. The study seeks to shed light on the relevance of the concept of human security within NATO’s security discourse considering the recent events in Europe following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, where scholars predict a return of realist approaches. The framing of human security notions in NATO’s security discourses is analysed with a theoretical framework on critical human security, from the 1990s when the concept of human security was first developed. The analysis consists of a frame analysis of NATO’s three latest Strategic Concepts from 1999, 2010 and 2022 as well as official statements made by the Secretary Generals during the selected periods. NATO’s framing of human security issues is analysed in line with the selected frames’ perceived threat, means to obtain security and referent object. The analysis concludes that NATO’s framing of human security notions evolved in line with how NATO perceived the security climate. The invasion of Ukraine by Russia in 2022 led to more traditional security approaches within NATO’s security discourse. Nevertheless, NATO’s framing of human security was not overshadowed by the changing security climate but rather adapted to it.

  • 221. Agamben, Giorgio
    et al.
    Rancière, Jacques
    Badiou, Alain
    Nancy, Jean-Luc
    Bensaid, Daniel
    Zizek, Slavoj
    Brown, Wendy
    Ross, Kristin
    Vad innebär det att vara demokrat?2010Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [sv]

    Finns det någon mening med att kalla sig "demokrat" i en samtid där praktiskt taget alla kallar sig demokrater? Kan ett begrepp som tycks kunna betyda både allt och inget fortfarande ha ett meningsfullt politiskt innehåll? I föreliggande bok åtar sig några av vår tids mest namnkunniga politiska teoretiker att besvara denna provokativa fråga. Svaren de presenterar formuleras utifrån skilda utgångspunkter och leder i flera fall till helt olika slutsatser. Samtidigt förenas de alla av ett gemensamt grundantagande: "demokrati" kan inte vara namnet på en redan förverkligad samhällsmodell eller en metod för att med jämna mellanrum utse politiska ledare. Tvärtom fortsätter demokratibegreppet att vara föremål för kamp och fungera som kärna åt politikens mest centrala frågor.

  • 222.
    Agbu, Osita A.
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Conflict, Displacement and Transformation.
    Ethnicity and Democratisation in Africa: Challenges for Politics and Development2011Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This Discussion Paper explores the challenges that ethnicity poses for democratisation and development in Africa. It provides an overview of the literature on ethnicity and democratisation and an analysis of the trends on the continent since the end of the Cold War. In this regard, it critically examines perspectives on the impact of ethnicity on democracy and analyses the ethnicity-citizenship nexus in the context of the national democratic question in Africa. This provides the basis for the analysis of emerging challenges facing Africa and the way forward. The paper provides additional insights into the ongoing debates about democracy and the nation-state question in Africa and is of interest to scholars, practitioners and the general reader.

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    The publication is available for download here.
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    Book cover
  • 223.
    Agdalen, Liv
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Mötesplatsers betydelse inom den deliberativa demokratin: En studie av Folkets Hus-rörelsen2023Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    The thesis explores the Folkets Hus-movement in light of theories of deliberative democracy. The aim is to fill a research gap of how the Folkets Hus-movement can be understood today within the Swedish civil society and additionally, contribute with theoretical development concerning the significance of the public sphere. The study concludes that the Folkets Hus- movement has an ambition to contribute to democracy by creating public spheres for citizens and other actors to be, act, create as well as meet within. The movement creates an infrastructure that underpins the legitimacy of democracy by creating opportunities for deliberation to occur. The conclusion emphasizes the role of the public sphere within what legitimizes a democracy as they open up for citizens to meet and deliberate.

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  • 224.
    Agerhem, Elias
    Försvarshögskolan.
    Skumt vatten: En studie kring betydelsen av samverkan samt vikten av ett tydligt ledarskap för säkerställandet av rent dricksvatten utan PFAS2024Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    Foaming water: A study on the importance of close collaboration and the importance of leadership for ensuring clean drinking water without PFAS.

    Drinking water is considered an essential necessity and during the late 2000s and early 2010s, Swedish drinking water faced multiple instances of contamination due to per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS). PFAS encompass various chemicals commonly found in foaming firefighting agents. These incidents typically involve multiple actors and organizations, necessitating close collaborative efforts for resolution. The study problematizes how drinking water actors do not understand the need for collaboration and the importance of clear leadership. With a content analysis method and drawing on a close collaboration theory built on Kirk Emersons and Tina Nabatchi's integrative framework of collaborative governance the study explores four different close collaboration drivers: uncertainty, interdependence, follower incentives and initiating leadership.

    The study aims to better understand drivers that push different public actors into close collaboration and undertake socially essential problems. Control and safeguarding of Swedish drinking water is distributed over several different municipalities and government bodies. With several actors responsible for the safety of Swedish drinking water, the study concludes that uncertainty has eventually led actors to seek clearer leadership in coordinating future work in PFAS and drinking water. The Swedish Environmental Protection Agency, among others, has now been given a more significant role in coordinating the Swedish actors in close collaboration related to PFAS and drinking water.

  • 225.
    Agestam, Oscar
    Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, Statsvetenskap.
    The Patterns of Democratic Backsliding: A systematic comparison of Hungary, Turkey and Venezuela2018Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    This dissertation attempts to answer the research question on whether there is a common pattern of democratic backsliding. Levitsky and Ziblatt’s theoretical model of democratic backsliding is utilized as the guiding theory. The theory suggests that Democratic Backsliding has three stages where different goals are attempted to be achieved. The goals are first to take over state institutions, thereafter to use these institutions to target political opponents and protect the government from criticism. The third stage concerns entrenching the political dominance.

    The research question is answered by a systematic comparison of Hungary, Turkey and Venezuela. The results are that each case does follow the suggested path of democratic backsliding, with certain differences. More emphasis is put on the media, election monitoring, and how the institutions are controlled. The institutions are often taken control over by hijacking the nomination process, a fact overlooked by the theoretical model. These aspects are not expanded on in the theoretical model, and this dissertation suggest adding these to the model.

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  • 226.
    Agevall, Lena
    Växjö universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Välfärdens organisering och demokratin: - en analys av New Public Management2005Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
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  • 227.
    Agevall, Lena
    et al.
    Linnéuniversitetet, Fakultetsnämnden för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV.
    Abrahamsson, Agneta
    Immigrants caught in the crossfire of projectification of the Swedish public sector.: Short-term solutions to long-term problems2010Ingår i: Diversity in Health and Care, ISSN 1743-4904, Vol. 7, nr 3, s. 201-209(9)Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 228.
    Agevall, Lena
    et al.
    Växjö universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Fritzén, Lena
    Växjö universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Institutionen för pedagogik.
    Johnsson, Eva
    Växjö universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Institutionen för vårdvetenskap och socialt arbete.
    Jonnergård, Karin
    Växjö universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Ekonomihögskolan, EHV.
    Tidens tand - att analysera förändringsprocesser i professionella grupper2009Konferensbidrag (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 229.
    Agevall, Lena
    et al.
    Växjö universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Jenner, Håkan
    Växjö universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Institutionen för pedagogik.
    Dealing with dilemmas: A fundamental task in police work2007Ingår i: In Tension between Organization and Profession: Professionals in Nordic Public Services, Nordic Academic Press, Lund , 2007, s. 169-191Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter is based on a survey of Swedish and international police research. A fundamental task in police work is discussed: dealing with dilemmas. These have to be handled in a judiciously way by the police officers, as there are no absolute answers to the question of how to act in various situations. The reasoning is linked to questions about multi-functional organizations and competence.

  • 230.
    Agevall, Lena
    et al.
    Linnéuniversitetet, Fakultetsnämnden för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV.
    Jonnergård, Karin
    Linnéuniversitetet, Fakultetsnämnden för ekonomi och design, Ekonomihögskolan, ELNU.
    Att vara en professionell yrkesutövare och att vara ämbetsman - samtidigt2010Ingår i: Professioner i offentlig förvaltning / [ed] Torgny Klasson, Lund: Studentlitteratur, 2010, s. 137-160Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 231.
    Agevall, Lena
    et al.
    Växjö universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap. Statsvetenskap.
    Jonnergård, Karin
    Växjö universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Ekonomihögskolan, EHV. Ekonomistyrning.
    Management by documents - a risk of de-professionalizing?2007Ingår i: In tension between Organization and Profession: Professionals in Nordic Public Service, Nordic Academic Presss, Lund , 2007, s. 33-56Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
    Abstract [en]

    If we have to document our professional action, will we then only perform the actions that we are supposed to document? This question reflects the content of this chapter. The chapter includes a frame of reference for studying control of professionals in organizations and illustration on different types of professional controls.

  • 232.
    Agevall, Lena
    et al.
    Växjö universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Olofsson, Gunnar
    Växjö universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Albert O. Hisrchmans liv och verk2008Ingår i: Sorti eller protest: En fråga om lojaliteter, Arkiv Förlag, Lund , 2008, s. 7-12Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 233.
    Agevall, Lena
    et al.
    Växjö universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Olofsson, Gunnar
    Växjö universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Förord till den nya svenska utgåvan av Sorti eller protest2008Ingår i: Sorti eller protest: En fråga om lojaliteter, Lund: Arkiv förlag & tidskrift, 2008, s. 13-33Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [sv]

    Förod till Albert O.Hirschmans bok "Sorti eller protest"

  • 234.
    Agevall, Ola
    Linnéuniversitetet, Fakultetsnämnden för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV.
    Max Weber2010Ingår i: Encyclopedia of political theory / [ed] Mark Bevir, London: Sage Publications, 2010, s. 1413-1419Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 235.
    Aggeborn, Linuz
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, UCFS. Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, Uppsala Center for Labor Studies (UCLS).
    Andersson, Henrik
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutet för bostads- och urbanforskning (IBF). Uppsala Center for Fiscal Studies.
    Workplace Networks And Political SelectionManuskript (preprint) (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Do social networks at workplaces function as cues into the political arena? We consider this question using the case of Sweden, which has many leisure politicians who work at the regular labor market. Restricting our networks to small cells of individuals within the same occupation and workplace, we find that an individual is more likely to become a politician in the future if that person had a colleague who was a politician. We further find that these newly enrolled individuals are placed higher up on the party lists -- which to a very large extent dictates which party nominees that are elected -- in subsequent elections. Our mechanism analysis indicates that a partisan channel may explain most of the main effect and that high-ability party officials are more prominent than low-ability officials in terms of recruiting from their workplace networks.

  • 236. Aggeborn, Linuz
    et al.
    Andersson, Henrik
    Håfström Dehdari, Sirus
    Lindgren, Karl-Oskar
    Does Election Salience Affect Immigrant Voter Turnout?2020Manuskript (preprint) (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Faced with rising levels of cross-border migration, many democratic countries have extended local voting rights to non-naturalized immigrants in recent decades. However, the low turnout of enfranchised immigrants in these elections has come as a disappointment to the advocates of such reforms. In this study, we examine whether the low turnout can be explained by the low salience of local elections. Based on a regression discontinuity design and using high-quality Swedish registry data, we find this to be the case. According to our results, the average likelihood of voting increases by 10-20 percentage points once immigrants become eligible to vote in national elections. We demonstrate too that this effect is not driven by the acquisition of citizenship per se, and that the individual characteristics of immigrants cannot explain their overall lower rate of voter turnout.

  • 237. Aggeborn, Linuz
    et al.
    Andersson, Henrik
    Håfström Dehdari, Sirus
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutet för social forskning (SOFI). Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Nationalekonomiska institutionen. Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutet för internationell ekonomi.
    Lindgren, Karl-Oskar
    Granting Immigrants the Right to Vote in National Elections: Empirical Evidence from Swedish Administrative Data2024Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science, ISSN 0007-1234, E-ISSN 1469-2112Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Faced with rising levels of cross-border migration, many countries have extended local voting rights to non-citizen residents. However, empirical evidence indicates that voter turnout among non-naturalized immigrants is lower when compared to citizens. This raises the question of how to explain this difference. A common answer is that the low turnout rates of non-citizen residents are primarily due to the socio-economic composition of this group and the challenges involved in adapting to a new political system. An alternative but less discussed possibility is that the low turnout concerns the nature of the elections. Hence, we examine whether the turnout of non-citizens is hampered because they are only allowed to partake in local elections. Based on a regression discontinuity design (RDD) using Swedish administrative data, we find that turnout could increase by 10-20 percentage points if the voting rights of non-citizens were extended to the national level.

  • 238.
    Aggeborn, Linuz
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Andersson, Henrik
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutet för bostads- och urbanforskning (IBF).
    Håfström Dehdari, Sirus
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Lindgren, Karl-Oskar
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutet för bostads- och urbanforskning (IBF).
    Granting Immigrants the Right to Vote in National Elections: Empirical Evidence from Swedish Administrative Data2023Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science, ISSN 0007-1234, E-ISSN 1469-2112, s. 1-18Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Faced with rising levels of cross-border migration, many countries have extended local voting rights to non-citizen residents. However, empirical evidence indicates that voter turnout among non-naturalized immigrants is lower when compared to citizens. This raises the question of how to explain this difference. A common answer is that the low turnout rates of non-citizen residents are primarily due to the socio-economic composition of this group and the challenges involved in adapting to a new political system. An alternative but less discussed possibility is that the low turnout concerns the nature of the elections. Hence, we examine whether the turnout of non-citizens is hampered because they are only allowed to partake in local elections. Based on a regression discontinuity design (RDD) using Swedish administrative data, we find that turnout could increase by 10–20 percentage points if the voting rights of non-citizens were extended to the national level.

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  • 239.
    Aggeborn, Linuz
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Lajevardi, Nazita
    Michigan State Univ, E Lansing, MI 48824 USA..
    Lindgren, Karl-Oskar
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Nyman, Pär
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Oskarsson, Sven
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Parents, Peers, and Politics: The Long-term Effects of Vertical Social Ties2020Ingår i: Quarterly Journal of Political Science, ISSN 1554-0626, E-ISSN 1554-0634, Vol. 15, nr 2, s. 221-253Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    We examine how one's adult political participation is affected by having social ties to a politician during adolescence. Specifically, we estimate the long-term effect of having had a classmate during upper secondary school whose parent was running for office on future voter turnout and the likelihood of running for and winning political office. We use unique Swedish population-wide administrative data and find that students in school classes with a larger number of politically active parents are more politically active as adults, both in terms of voting and political candidacy. Our results suggest that the effect of vertical social ties is predominantly mediated by indirect links between the politician and the student via the children of politicians. Moreover, we show that the strength of these mobilizing effects depends on the individual's basic predisposition to engage in different types of political activities.

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  • 240.
    Aggeborn, Linuz
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, UCFS. Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, Uppsala Center for Labor Studies (UCLS).
    Lajevardi, Nazita
    Michigan State University, E Lansing, MI 48824 USA.
    Nyman, Pär
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Disentangling the Impact of Civil Association Membership on Political Participation: Evidence from Swedish Panel Data2021Ingår i: British Journal of Political Science, ISSN 0007-1234, E-ISSN 1469-2112, Vol. 51, nr 4, s. 1773-1781Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    What is the effect of membership in civil associations on political participation? Membership has been linked to providing social capital and personal networks, which in turn help citizens more easily navigate politics. Yet this link is empirically complex, since politically interested individuals self-select into networks and associations. This research note addresses the impact of membership on different forms of political participation using a panel survey from Sweden that distinguishes between passive and active membership in various types of associations. The baseline results reaffirm a strong association between membership and political participation. The survey's panel dimension is exploited to reveal that earlier scholarship has likely overstated the robustness of membership's participatory effects. Rather, the remaining impact of association membership in the panel specification is mainly driven by types of associations for which the highest degree of selection behaviour is expected.

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  • 241.
    Aggeborn, Linuz
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, UCFS. Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, Uppsala Center for Labor Studies (UCLS).
    Nyman, Pär
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Intergenerational Transmission of Party Affiliation Within Political Families2021Ingår i: Political Behavior, ISSN 0190-9320, E-ISSN 1573-6687, Vol. 43, nr 2, s. 813-835Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    We investigate the intergenerational transmission of political-party affiliation within families with at least two politicians. We use Swedish registry data that covers all nominated politicians for the years 1982 to 2014, as well as their family ties. First, we demonstrate there is a strong link between individuals and their parents concerning party affiliation. We also find that this intergenerational transmission persists over generations and across siblings. Our second aim is to investigate the mechanisms behind this result, which we do by first discussing two hypotheses: the one concerns a socialization pathway, the other a materialistic one. We then bring these hypotheses to the data, and we find that the socialization pathway matters more for intergenerational transmission.

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  • 242. Aggestam, Karin
    et al.
    Hedin, AstridKronsell, AnnicaSvedberg, Erika
    A World in Transition: Feminist Perspectives on International Relations1997Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 243.
    Aggestam, Karin
    et al.
    Lund University.
    Svensson, Isak
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning.
    Where Are the Women in Peace Mediation?2018Ingår i: Gendering Diplomacy and International Negotiation / [ed] Karin Aggestam & Ann E. Towns, Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, s. 149-168Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 244.
    Aggestam, Lisbeth
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    A European foreign policy?: role conceptions and the politics of identity in Britain, France and Germany2004Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 245. Aggestam, Lisbeth
    et al.
    Engelbrekt, Kjell
    Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Wagnsson, Lotta
    Winnerstig, Mike
    Europeisk säkerhetspolitik2000Bok (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [sv]

    Europeisk säkerhetspolitik är ett ständigt aktuellt ämnesområde. Här presenteras ingående analyser av den europeiska säkerhetssituationens mest centrala problem. Boken ger också en översikt av de förklaringsmodeller som brukar användas för att förstå säkerhetsproblematiken. Författarna, statsvetare vid Stockholms universitet, ingår i Stockholmsgruppen för europeiska säkerhetsstudier.

  • 246.
    Agha, Hiba
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    LAS - Lagen om anställningsskydd.2010Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 247.
    Aghaie Joobani, Hossein
    Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling. Linköpings universitet, Filosofiska fakulteten.
    Meta-Geopolitics of Central Asia: A Comparative Study of the Regional Influence of the European Union and the Shanghai Co-operation Organization2013Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    Central Asia has been the focal point of intense geopolitical power struggle throughout history. At the dawn of the 21st century, Central Asia has undergone major changes as the European Union and the China-led Shanghai Co-operation Organization have emerged as two normative powers, both seeking to influence the patterns of security governance in the region. This study aims to delve deep into ‘the black boxes’ of the EU’s and China’s foreign policies toward five CA republics. It starts from the premise that the bulk of research on Eurasian politics tend to concentrate mostly on realist and traditional geopolitical doctrine, which seem to have failed to properly explain the normative and ideational transformations that have taken place in the region as a result of the presence of these two emerging normative agents. By interweaving both realist and constructivist theories of International Relations (IR) into a new all-encompassing analytical framework, termed “meta-geopolitics”, the thesis seeks to trace and examine how geopolitical as well as normative components of the EU and Chinese regional strategies have affected the contemporary power dynamics in the post-Soviet space. I argue that, in contrast to the geopolitical struggle during the 19th and 20th centuries, a clash of normative powers is brewing in the region between China, under the aegis of the SCO, and the EU. The research also concludes that China has relatively been in a better position in comparison to the EU to render its policies as feasible, effective and legitimate to the Central Asian states. 

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  • 248.
    Aghator, Stanley
    et al.
    Högskolan Väst, Institutionen för ekonomi och it.
    Moussa, Sarah Kontim
    Högskolan Väst, Institutionen för ekonomi och it.
    Media Framing of the Legitimacy of Nigerian Elections in Relation to Stomach Infrastructure2023Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    The thesis aims to explore the media framing of Nigeria’s 2023 election in relation to votebuying: How did the Nigerian print media portray the legitimacy of the 2023 election in relation to vote-buying? In addressing the research question, Entman’s (1993) framing theory is used. For identifying the themes and patterns around the framing of the election Entman’s four questions, defining the problems, diagnosing causes, making moral judgments, and treatment recommendations, in connection with the existing literature on vote buying are employed. The thesis is a single-case study adopting a qualitative content analysis for analyzing 26 articles from Daily Post, Nigerian Tribune, Premium Times, PUNCH, The Cable, The Guardian, This Day, and Vanguard. The results indicated that the media, with the exception of two media outlets, overwhelmingly framed vote-buying as an illegitimate fraudulent electoral practicecaused by poverty and hunger. It is framed as detrimental to democratic governance and the media suggested predominantly enforcement measures such as election monitoring and criminal prosecution as possible remedies

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  • 249.
    Aghayev, Emil
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Europas sista diktatur: Internationella och nationella faktorer bakom Vitrysslands stagnerade demokratisering2010Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 250.
    Aghazaa, Kanan
    Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS).
    Main Factors Formulating Putin’s Russia Foreign Policy towards the South Caucasian States2020Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    My thesis will dispute one of the most essential threats experienced by the young South Caucasian states since restoring their state sovereignity from Russia. Russia follows an agressive foreign political course and implements a direct menace for these newly independent states. It became obvious due to the military occupation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in August of 2008 and supporting the local separatists. The main goal of thesis is to analyse and eloborate on the main motivations of the Russian government's policy towards Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. My research question seeks to examine how domestic and international political factors formulated and structured the foreign policy of Russia towards the South Caucasian states. In addition, the theoretical framework will take into consideration the neo-classical realism theory of international relations. I wll use qualitative research methods for data collection and analysis and it will help me to analyse three essential factors formulated the Russian policy in the South Caucaus. The thesis recognized the fact that the Russian elite consider the close cooperation of the Caucasian states with NATO as a danger for their interests in their traditional zone of influence. The thesis will underline the significance of President Putin in Russia since the state is authoritarian and he could be considered as the main desicion-maker in foreign policy. Yet, Vladimir Putin is not an absolute power symbol as Joseph Stalin and modern Russia is not the Soviet Union. Putin depends on the statements of the various fractions in Russian society. The thesis will complete with idea that three factors explain the reasons of the assertive forein policy of Russia towards the South Caucasian states. 

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