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  • 151.
    Adetula, Victor
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Unit. University of Jos.
    Measuring democracy and ‘good governance’ in Africa: a critique of assumptions and methods2011Ingår i: Governance in the 21st Century / [ed] Kwandiwe Kondlo, Chinenyengozi Ejiogu, Cape Town: HSRC Press, 2011, s. 10-25Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
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  • 152.
    Adetula, Victor
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Unit. University of Jos, Nigeria.
    People's Democratic Party and 2015 General Elections: The Morbidity of a Giant2017Ingår i: The Nigerian General Elections of 2015 / [ed] John A.A. Ayoade, Adeoye A. Akinsanya, and Olatunde J. C. B. Ojo, Ibadan, Nigeria: John Archers Publishers , 2017, s. 27-52Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) was established in 1998 at the time when Nigeria was under pressure from the international community to undertake political reform in preparation for anticipated return to civil rule. The PDP formed the first government after the country re-introduced civil rule in May 1999 and remained the ruling party at the national level and also in government in the majority of states of the federation until May 2015 when it lost to the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the presidential election, and unexpectedly recorded defeat in the other elections. The climax was on March 28, 2015 when Nigeria held its fifth presidential election and an incumbent president, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan was defeated by retired Major-General Mohammed Buhari who was contesting the presidential election for the fourth time. Apart from its remarkable victory in the previous four successive presidential elections, the PDP had a comfortable majority in the national legislature between 1999 and 2015. However, towards the end of President Obasanjo’s tenure, the party had started to experience disturbing cracks in its internal cohesion. It eventual defeat by the APC at both the presidential and state levels puts an abrupt end to the hegemony of the self-styled “largest political party in Africa” with a vision of “ruling Nigeria for sixty years”. This chapter presents analysis of the remote and immediate causes of the poor performance of the PDP in the 2015 elections. What are the remote and immediate causes of the defeat of the PDP in the 2015 elections? What was the nature of public support for the party and its presidential candidate?  Was the dwindling public support for the party linked to its diagnostic analysis of the challenges of governance and development in the country? What was the role of the Jonathan presidency in the political misfortune of the party? What was the capacity of the party to cope with some of the changes and innovations in the electoral process that may have contributed to the outcomes of the 2015 elections?  How has the PDP faired since the inauguration of the new APC-led government? Is the party adjusting well to playing the role of an opposition party? How well has the party faired in this regard, and what are the lessons learned? And finally, how does the electoral misfortune of the PDP helps us to understand the strength and weaknesses of the democratic institutions in Nigeria? As many are these questions that one consider useful for understanding the party system in modern Nigeria.

  • 153.
    Adetula, Victor
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Unit.
    Principle and practice of supranationalism in ECOWAS and the implications for regional integration in West Africa2016Ingår i: Political Science Review, ISSN 1596-4124, Vol. 7, nr 1, s. 17-34Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The concept of ‘supranationalism’ covers procedures and processes of decision-making in multi-national political communities that encourages the transfer of power to an authority broader than governments of member states. This paper acknowledges that the world is experiencing a re-awakening of supranationality, and that contemporary globalisation processes is contributing to this development that has not only checkmated the state and dissolves the absolutes of the Westphalian system, but has brought in other non-state actors including the civil society to be closely associated with the operations of international organizations. Globalisation processes have come with new challenges for governance and the management of global public goods (such as health, education, human security, etc.). The established of the African Economic Community (AEC) motivated other African regional organisations to introduce elements of supranationality in their operations. From various provisions in the Abuja Treaty, the understanding of supranationality as a situation where an international organization is endowed with powers to take decisions that are binding on it and all the member states is quite clear. The influence of this development is significant for regional integration in Africa. Using historical data and information on the performance of ECOWAS, this paper contextualizes the experience of ECOWAS in its practice of supranationalism. It highlights the opportunities, pressures and constraints for the effective and efficient operation of the supranational organization for ECOWAS These developments are important given that inter-governmentalism for long dominated the process of regional integration in Africa with each member states of regional organization retaining and exercising their full sovereign power in their separate decisions on the application and implementation of regional agreements. The paper concludes by arguing that ECOWAS, with the support of an efficiently run supranational body in the form of the ECOWAS Commission, can facilitate the process of regional integration in West Africa. This, of course, has several political ramifications demanding complex institutions and structures, and extensive political will, as well as unity of objectives and commitments at national and sub-regional.  It suffices to say here that the success of West African integration will depend first on the commitment of states in the ECOWAS region to redefine regional integration in a way that moves the process beyond state-centered approaches to include, among other things, the increased participation of civil society - the people and their representatives in associations, professional societies, farmers’ group, women’s groups and so on, as well as political parties - in regional integration processes.

  • 154.
    Adetula, Victor
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Unit.
    Sweden's bid for a UN Security Council seat and what Africa stands to gain2016Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The Swedish government should involve the African diaspora in Sweden to secure the support of African countries in the UN. It also needs to clarify in what ways Sweden's feminist foreign policy is compatible with African values of respect and dignity for womanhood. These are a couple of recommendations provided in this policy note on how Sweden should act to improve relations with African countries and succeed in its ambitions to achieve the sustainable development goals of Agenda 2030.

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  • 155.
    Adetula, Victor
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Unit.
    The future of EU-Africa cooperation beyond the Cotonou agreement2018Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    There is profound concern in large circles in Africa that the Cotonou Agreement obstructs African governments from supporting domestic production, and that the EU is splitting Africa in two by striking separate deals with different African regions. These perceptions are important considerations for those involved in the upcoming negotiations to replace the existing agreement.

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  • 156.
    Adetula, Victor A. O.
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
    African conflicts, development and regional organisations in the post-Cold War international system: the annual Claude Ake memorial lecture : Uppsala, Sweden 30 January 20142015Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    A number of recent studies have expressed optimism about the constant decrease in armed conflicts around the world. The prognosis for Africa does not reflect the same optimism. Poverty reduction, transparent and accountable governance and citizen satisfaction with the delivery of public goods and service have shown no sign of significant improvement. In this lecture, Victor Adetula examines the performance of Africa’s regional organisations in ensuring peace and security on the continent. In doing this, he draws attention to the need for national and regional actors to pay attention to good governance and development as part of their efforts to operate effective collective security systems and conflict resolution mechanisms without ignoring the essence of the global context.

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  • 157.
    Adetula, Victor A. O.
    et al.
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Unit.
    Bereketeab, Redie
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Unit.
    Jaiyebo, Olugbemi
    Regional economic communities and peacebuilding in Africa: the experiences of ECOWAS and IGAD2016Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    African states have responded to the challenges of the post-Cold War international system mostly by collectively promoting subregional and continental-wide initiatives in conflict resolution and peacebuilding. Admittedly, the existence of many violent conflicts in Africa, as well as their ‘domino’ effects at thesub-regional level, contributed significantly to the growing desire for collective security systems and conflict management mechanisms. The broadening of the role and functions of African regional organisations to include responsibility for peacebuilding and conflict management generally adds credence to the efficacy of regional integration. Many issues, however, present themselves in the engagement of RECs with the peacebuilding process in Africa. Although primarily set up to promote economic integration, Africa’s RECs have increasingly taken up a prominent role in conflict resolution and peace support operations, as evident in the recent peace processes in Burundi, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Cote d’Ivoire, Zimbabwe, Mali, Congo DRC, Sudan, and South Sudan, among others. In spite of the challenges they face, RECs are capable of playing important roles with regard to peace mediation, peacekeeping and peacebuilding.

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  • 158. Adetula, Victor
    et al.
    Bereketeab, Redie
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Unit.
    Laakso, Liisa
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Unit.
    Levin, Jörgen
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Unit.
    The legacy of Pan-Africanism in African integration today2020Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Pan-Africanism was a vital force in the decolonisation and liberation struggles of the African continent. Today, some regional integration initiatives are part of the legacy of Pan-Africanism. Nevertheless, a retreat in Pan-Africanist consciousness justifies the on-going reform of the African Union and other related platforms for African regional integration, peace and development.

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  • 159.
    Adetula, Victor
    et al.
    University of Jos, Nigeria.
    Bereketeab, RedieNordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Unit.Obi, CyrilSocial Science Research Council (SSRC), New York, USA.
    Regional Economic Communities and Peacebuilding: Lessons from ECOWAS and IGAD2021Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Refereegranskat)
  • 160.
    Adetula, Victor
    et al.
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Unit. University of Jos, Nigeria.
    Jaiyebo, Olugbemi
    College of Law, Osun State University, Ifetedo, Nigeria; Supreme Court of Nigeria; Appellate Division of the Supreme Court of the State of New York, First Judicial Department, USA; United States District Court, Southern District of New York, USA.
    Electoral democracy, foreign capital flows and the human rights infrastructure in Nigeria2020Ingår i: African perspectives in international investment law / [ed] Yenkong Ngangjoh Hodu and Makane Moïse Mbengue, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2020, s. 153-172Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 161.
    Adetula, Victor
    et al.
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Unit. University of Jos, Nigeria.
    Kamski, BenediktMehler, AndreasMelber, HenningNordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Unit.
    Africa Yearbook: Politics, Economy and Society of the South of the Sahara in 20182019Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The Africa Yearbook covers major domestic political developments, the foreign policy and socio-economic trends in sub-Sahara Africa – all related to developments in one calendar year. The Yearbook contains articles on all sub-Saharan states, each of the four sub-regions (West, Central, Eastern, Southern Africa) focusing on major cross-border developments and sub-regional organizations as well as one article on continental developments and one on African-European relations. While the articles have thorough academic quality, the Yearbook is mainly oriented to the requirements of a large range of target groups: students, politicians, diplomats, administrators, journalists, teachers, practitioners in the field of development aid as well as business people.                    

  • 162.
    Adetula, Victor
    et al.
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Unit.
    Murithi, Tim
    Institute for Justice and Reconciliation, Cape Town, South Africa.
    Buchanan-Clarke, Stephen
    Institute for Justice and Reconciliation, Cape Town, South Africa.
    Peace negotiations and agreements in Africa: why they fail and how to improve them2018Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Peace is not just the absence of conflict. The self-interest lying behind external ‘support’ can take many shapes. The pursuit of justice can sometimes thwart peace efforts. And, last but not least, simply adding more women to peace negotiations will not break male-centric norms.

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  • 163.
    Adetula, Victor
    et al.
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Unit. University of Jos, Nigeria.
    Osegbue, Chike
    Chukwu Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu University, Igbariam-Awka, Nigeria.
    Africa, United States and Terrorism: Revisiting Sulayman Nyang on US-Led GlobalWar against Terrorism2018Ingår i: African Intellectuals and State of the Continent: Essays in Honor of Professor Sulayman S. Nyang / [ed] Olayiwola Abegunrin and Sabella Abidde, Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2018, s. 196-218Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter attempts to address three key questions: First, how is Professor Sulayman Nyang’s scholarly contributions and policy prescriptions understood and responded to in broad intellectual discourse on Africa and international terrorism? Second, what is the status of the war against terrorism in the external relations of Africa states with special attention to relations with the United States and other Western Powers?  Third, what is the relevance of the global war on terrorism in international relations today?   The chapter notes Professor Sulayman Nyang’s contributions to the scholarship on  Islamic militancy, international terrorism and the US-led global war against terrorism including  his deep insights on changes in the international system and Africa. Africa is generally regarded in the West as the weakest link in the war against international terrorism; it is the political territory that can easily be penetrated by international terrorists. African states are poor, weak and corrupt. These failed states do not have effective government that is able to deliver public goods to its population or even exercise control over much of its territory. In this way these states are threat both to their citizens and the international community that comes under risk as a result of possible violent reactions by deprived and frustrated citizens that generate global problems including international terrorism. However, while many African governments have not earned the respect of the Western countries, the latter have maintained close economic relationship with them most arguably for economic and geo-political importance. These strong ties between Africa and Western countries have spill over to the security sector with the United States and other Western Powers providing assistance and support to help African governments develop and manage their anti-terrorist and counter insurgencies strategies.

  • 164.
    Adeyemi, Cornelius
    et al.
    Högskolan Väst, Institutionen för ekonomi och it, Avd för juridik, ekonomi, statistik och politik.
    Barton, Lino
    Högskolan Väst, Institutionen för ekonomi och it, Avd för juridik, ekonomi, statistik och politik.
    Colonial discourse in development aid publications: A Comparative study of the UK and Sweden2018Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis is performed as a comparative small-N study making use of post-colonial theory aiming to analyse whether, and if so how, Western government agencies working in the field of 'development assistance' reinforce colonial stereotypes by availing colonial discourse. Post-colonial and discourse theory are used to challenge colonial theory, allowing to break the binary opposition and power structures of the Self and the Other, opening a third space where hybrid identities can be acknowledged.

    With Critical Discourse Analysis serving as a tool in the construction of a text analytical method applied to the documents published by the Swedish governmental development agency, Sida and the British Department for International Development (DFID) to examine whether and how they (re-)produce colonial discourse in their publications.

    The monumental role of Britain in the colonisation of lands and people versus Sweden's comparatively small and short territorial possession of colonies, and especially how both nations relate differently to their colonial past represented in contemporary discourse, makes this paper an interesting comparative study. The research contributes to knowledge on how Western governmental development agencies sustain and/or contest remnants of colonial structures embedded and projected through discourse.

    The main findings of this study are that both the DFID and Sida engage in and (re-)produce CD in their publications. However, to a certain extent they do differ, with Sida making use of non-CD to a significantly larger extent than the DFID.

  • 165.
    Adhikari, Purushottam
    et al.
    Högskolan Väst, Institutionen för ekonomi och it, Avd för juridik, ekonomi, statistik och politik.
    Slyvany, Ismail
    Högskolan Väst, Institutionen för ekonomi och it, Avd för juridik, ekonomi, statistik och politik.
    Libyan Conflict in the eyes of Arab Media: A comparative study of how Al- Jazeera & Al- Arabiya news agencies represented the fighting groups in Libyan conflict and their claim to be the legitimate government2020Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    The second civil war in Libya has been ongoing since 2014, where the two administrations, GNA and LNA, have been fighting each other for the power in Libya where many foreign powers including Qatar and Saudi Arabia, have been actively supporting different sides and their claim to legitimacy.

    The aim of this research is to analyze how Al-Jazeera and Al- Arabiya, two state-controlled news agencies from Qatar and Saudi Arabia, represented the two fighting groups in the Libyan civil war and their claim to be the legitimate government. In this study, we use framing theory as the central theory to conduct our investigation. To answer our research question effectively, we have divided our frames into two further categories, behavior frame & representation (political) frame, which are used for our analysis.

    Our research is a comparative case study as we have investigated the differences between AlArabiya and Al Jazeera's framing of the two fighting groups in the second Libyan civil war.

    Our findings in this research indicated that both state operated news outlets framed the supported and opposite sides in different ways, which also reflected their respective countries' foreign policy agendas. Hence their state-controlled medias Al-Jazeera and Al-Arabiya and their representation of the two fighting groups and their claim to be the legitimate government in Libya were significantly different in terms of which actor is legitimate, but similar in terms of the tools/concepts they implemented to delegitimize the other side.

  • 166.
    Adib, Hibo
    Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för ekonomi, samhälle och teknik.
    "Jag är fortfarande samma arab...": En kvalitativ undersökning om hur etnisk diskriminering på arbetsmarknaden driver invandrare till namnbyten samt dess betydelse för demokratin.2021Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    Since the end of the 20th century, foreign names in the Swedish labor market have led to ethnic discrimination. This has driven immigrants to undergo name changes in order to pursue jobs and become an ordinary tax paying Swede. The purpose of this study is therefor to investigate if immigrants face ethnic discrimination on the Swedish labor market and its eventual effects. Furthermore, the purpose is also to investigate what the phenomenon of name change means for democracy in terms of inclusion, exclusion, and political justice. This will be done by applying the qualitative research method in five semi-structures interviews. The five interviews will then, in combination with the theoretical definitions of inclusion, exclusion, and political justice, inform the results of the study. Lastly, it can be concluded that experiences of ethnic discrimination that have led foreign individuals to change their name, can be described in terms of the denial of their feelings and skills. The outcome and effects are positive both at work and emotionally. Carrying out name changes is an individual choice based on free terms and is therefore judged democratically. This instead becomes a matter of political justice due to social constructions that determines the remaining outcomes and our positions in society. 

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  • 167. Adlercreutz, Tomas
    Beskattning av kulturhistoriskt värdefulla samlingar: remisser1991Ingår i: Kulturmiljövård, ISSN 1100-4800, Vol. [16], nr 2, s. 63-64Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
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  • 168. Adlercreutz, Tomas
    Effektivare förvaltning av kyrkans förmögenhet: yttranden1991Ingår i: Kulturmiljövård, ISSN 1100-4800, Vol. [16], nr 2, s. 64-64Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
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  • 169. Adlercreutz, Tomas
    Statistik över utförselärenden: notiser1991Ingår i: Kulturmiljövård, ISSN 1100-4800, Vol. [16], nr 2, s. 62-62Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
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  • 170.
    Adman, Per
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Arbetslöshet, arbetsplatsdemokrati och politiskt deltagande2004Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this thesis is to test two hypotheses about how work affects political participation. The first concerns unemployment, and states that unemployment has strong and negative effects on political activity. The second hypothesis is found in theories of participatory democracy, and claims that more democratic workplaces lead to more political participation. Existing empirical evidence on both of the hypotheses is not conclusive. Furthermore, studies have mainly been carried out using data collected in the United States. Here empirical tests of the hypotheses are undertaken using a Swedish survey.

    The results confirm the first hypothesis; unemployment has negative effects on political participation. The reasons for these negative effects are that the unemployed become less active in organisational life, fall outside of the recruitment networks where people are being asked to participate in politics, and experience a decrease in income. The second hypothesis is not supported. Workplace participation does not affect political participation, according to the analyses. The results are surprising for both hypotheses, and contradict previous empirical findings. The differences in results are likely due to differences in research design and differences in approaches to analysing political participation. Previous studies are inadequate in these perspectives, it is maintained.

    The thesis ends with a discussion of the results from the perspective of normative democratic theory. It is argued that the lack of political equality is particularly acute when the low participation among the unemployed is considered.

  • 171.
    Adman, Per
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Does poor health cause political passivity even in a Scandinavian welfare state?: Investigating the impact of self-rated health using Swedish panel data2020Ingår i: Electoral Studies, ISSN 0261-3794, E-ISSN 1873-6890, Vol. 65, artikel-id 102110Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Poor health is generally believed to cause political passivity. Prior studies that satisfactorily acknowledge the causality problems involved are mainly limited to considering turnout and the U.S.A., so we lack knowledge of how non-electoral participation is affected in other countries. This article considers Sweden, characterized by a generous welfare state and an extensive public health system. Using unique panel data, which allow more thorough analyses of causality, poor health was found to have a negative effect on voting but not on non-electoral participation. By primarily focusing on other countries than Sweden and the U.S.A., it is a task for future longitudinal research to show whether the belief that poor health lead to political passivity is incorrect—or whether Sweden is an exceptional case, due to the barriers to participation being particularly low there.

  • 172.
    Adman, Per
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Does workplace experience enhance political participation?: A critical test of a venerable hypothesis2008Ingår i: Political Behavior, ISSN 0190-9320, E-ISSN 1573-6687, Vol. 30, nr 1, s. 115-138Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Several schools of thought claim that citizens can develop their democratic skills at the workplace. Here I focus on the hypothesis put forward by Carole Pateman and by Sidney Verba and colleagues that state that by practicing civic skills and democratic decision-making at the workplace, citizens become more active in politics. I test the hypothesis with a nationally representative panel survey of the Swedish population. My findings contradict previous empirical research as no impact on political participation was discovered. I argue that the effects may have been overestimated in prior studies because the tests were based on cross-sectional data: insufficient care was taken with a number of significant methodological problems. The study points to the importance of using panel models when investigating the causes of political participation.

  • 173.
    Adman, Per
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Investigating political equality: The example of gender and political participation in Sweden2011Ingår i: Acta Politica, ISSN 0001-6810, E-ISSN 1741-1416, Vol. 46, nr 4, s. 380-399Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    A common thought is that political participation must be equally high among different social groups - such as women and men or various socioeconomic groups - in order for political equality to be fulfilled. This approach has, however, been criticized for being too crude. Several scholars argue that one must also study the reasons behind group differences in participation. If these differences are explained by differences in resources - and not political motivation - political equality is threatened, as this points to structural inequalities determining participatory differences. Using this perspective, I make an empirical investigation into the political participation of women and men in Sweden, a country known for unusually far-reaching political gender equality. In spite of this, men devote more of their political activities to areas of production, such as questions relating to working life, and I find that this difference may be explained by a male advantage in political resources (civic skills, primarily). The conclusion is that political equality has not yet been fully realized between women and men in Sweden. Hence, future studies should consider separating between different policy areas, when empirically evaluating the status of political equality. Quantitative methods are used in the empirical analyses.

  • 174.
    Adman, Per
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Learning Political Tolerance: An Empirical Investigation of Causes of Tolerance in Sweden2017Ingår i: Surveyjournalen, E-ISSN 2001-9327, Vol. 3, nr 1, s. 2-Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 175.
    Adman, Per
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Historisk-filosofiska fakulteten, Institutionen för kulturantropologi och etnologi, Kulturantropologiska avdelningen. Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Skenbar jämställdhet: politiskt deltagande i Sverige2008Ingår i: Statsvetare ifrågasätter: uppsalamiljön vid tiden för professorsskiftet den 31 mars 2008, Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis , 2008Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 176.
    Adman, Per
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen. Uppsala Univ, Dept Govt, Uppsala, Sweden..
    Swedish exceptionalism?: Investigating the effect of associational involvement on generalized trust with panel data2020Ingår i: Journal of Civil Society, ISSN 1744-8689, E-ISSN 1744-8697, Vol. 16, nr 1, s. 35-43Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    For some time been it has been hypothesized that involvement in civic associations creates generalized social trust. Yet, prior panel data studies, based mainly on data collected in Australia, the Netherlands, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States, have found little support for the existence of such an effect. This article adds further empirical knowledge, focusing on Sweden. The evidence presented here is the first to provide support for the hypothesis using a survey that allows panel data models. In the conclusions, it is discussed whether the differing findings may depend on Sweden being a particularly favourable environment, considering its comparatively democratic and prosperous associational life; or if the reason is that the data at hand do not allow using exactly the same panel models as in some of the prior studies.

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    FULLTEXT01
  • 177.
    Adman, Per
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Varför inträffade upploppen i Stockholm?2013Ingår i: Tiden, nr 5, s. 48-51Artikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 178.
    Adman, Per
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Why did the Stockholm Riots Occur?2013Ingår i: Open Democracy, ISSN 1476-5888, nr 21 AugustArtikel i tidskrift (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 179. Adman, Per
    et al.
    Strömblad, Per
    Linnéuniversitetet, Fakulteten för samhällsvetenskap (FSV), Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST).
    Abandoning intolerance in a tolerant society: Explaining time related change in recognition of political rights among immigrants in Sweden2016Ingår i: Presented at SWEPSA 2016: Uppsala University, Campus Gotland, October 19–21, 2016Konferensbidrag (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 180.
    Adman, Per
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Strömblad, Per
    Department of Political Science, Linnaeus University.
    Political Integration in Practice: Explaining a Time-Dependent Increase in Political Knowledge among Immigrants in Sweden2018Ingår i: Social Inclusion, ISSN 2183-2803, E-ISSN 2183-2803, Vol. 6, nr 3, s. 248-259Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Scholarly findings suggest that immigrants in Western countries, in general, participate less in politics and show lower levels of political efficacy than native-born citizens. Research is scarce, however, when it comes to immigrants´ knowledge about politics and public affairs in their new home country, and what happens with this knowledge over the years. This article focuses on immigrants in Sweden, a country known for ambitious multicultural policies, but where immigrants also face disadvantages in areas such as labor and housing markets. Utilizing particularly suitable survey data we find that immigrants, in general, know less about Swedish politics than natives, but also that this difference disappears with time. Exploring the influence of time of residence on political knowledge, the article shows that the positive effect of time in Sweden among immigrants remains after controlling for an extensive set of background factors. Moreover, the article examines this political learning effect through the lens of an Ability-Motivation-Opportunity (AMO) model. The findings suggest that the development of an actual ability to learn about Swedish politics - via education in Sweden, and by improved Swedish language skills - is an especially important explanation for the increase in political knowledge.

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    fulltext
  • 181.
    Adman, Per
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Sweden.
    Strömblad, Per
    Linnéuniversitetet, Fakulteten för samhällsvetenskap (FSV), Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST).
    Political integration in practice: explaining a time-dependent increase in political knowledge among immigrants in Sweden2018Ingår i: Social Inclusion, ISSN 2183-2803, E-ISSN 2183-2803, Vol. 6, nr 3, s. 248-259Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Scholarly findings suggest that immigrants in Western countries, in general, participate less in politics and show lower levels of political efficacy than native-born citizens. Research is scarce, however, when it comes to immigrants’ knowledge about politics and public affairs in their new home country, and what happens with this knowledge over the years. This article focuses on immigrants in Sweden, a country known for ambitious multicultural policies, but where immigrants also face disadvantages in areas such as labor and housing markets. Utilizing particularly suitable survey data we find that immigrants, in general, know less about Swedish politics than natives, but also that this difference disappears with time. Exploring the influence of time of residence on political knowledge, the article shows that the positive effect of time in Sweden among immigrants remains after controlling for an extensive set of background factors. Moreover, the article examines this political learning effect through the lens of an Ability–Motivation–Opportunity (AMO) model. The findings suggest that the development of an actual ability to learn about Swedish politics—via education in Sweden, and by improved Swedish language skills—is an especially important explanation for the increase in political knowledge.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 182.
    Adman, Per
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Strömblad, Per
    Political Trust as Modest Expectations: Exploring Immigrants’ Falling Confidence in Swedish Political Institutions 2013Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Recent studies report high levels of political trust among immigrants in Western Europe. Notably, such confidence tendto be particularly pronounced among immigrants from countries without democratic institutions and poor records in terms of corruption level. Yet over time, members of these population categories tend to express decreasing levels of political trust. Following previous research, such a pattern may be explained by high initial—although with time retreating—expectations concerning the quality of institutions in Western Europe. Analyzing Swedish survey data—particularly appropriate in the light of competing hypotheses concerning acculturation and barriers to integration, including discrimination—this paper presents additional support for the importance of expectations when it comes to political trust. Our analyses suggest that the gradual development of more modest expectations regarding institutional performance in the new country is a trustworthy explanation of the falling levels of immigrants‘ political trust.

  • 183.
    Adman, Per
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Sweden.
    Strömblad, Per
    Linnéuniversitetet, Fakulteten för samhällsvetenskap (FSV), Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST).
    Political Trust as Modest Expectations: Exploring Immigrants’ Falling Confidence in Swedish Political Institutions2013Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Recent studies report high levels of political trust among immigrants in Western Europe. Notably, such confidence tend to be particularly pronounced among immigrants from countries without democratic institutions and poor records in terms of corruption level. Yet over time, members of these population categories tend to express decreasing levels of political trust. Following previous research, such a pattern may be explained by high initial—although with time retreating—expectations concerning the quality of institutions in Western Europe. Analyzing Swedish survey data—particularly appropriate in the light of competing hypotheses concerning acculturation and barriers to integration, including discrimination—this paper presents additional support for the importance of expectations when it comes to political trust. Our analyses suggest that the gradual development of more modest expectations regarding institutional performance in the new country is a trustworthy explanation of the falling levels of immigrants‘ political trust.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 184.
    Adman, Per
    et al.
    Uppsala University, Sweden.
    Strömblad, Per
    Linnéuniversitetet, Fakulteten för samhällsvetenskap (FSV), Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST).
    Political Trust as Modest Expectations: Exploring Immigrants' Falling Confidence in Swedish Political Institutions2015Ingår i: Nordic Journal of Migration Research, E-ISSN 1799-649X, Vol. 5, nr 3, s. 107-116Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Political trust among immigrants in Western Europe seems to be surprisingly high, especially among immigrants from non-democratic countries with institutions plagued by corruption. Over time, however, trust tends to diminish among these individuals. In this paper we argue that this may neither be explained by acculturation nor by experiences of discrimination. Analysing Swedish survey data we instead conclude, although tentatively, that falling expectations regarding the performance of host country institutions is a fruitful explanation. Such expectations presumably become more modest the longer one has been living in Sweden, causing a time-related drop in the overall confidence in Swedish political institutions.

  • 185.
    Adman, Per
    et al.
    Uppsala university, Sweden.
    Strömblad, Per
    Linnéuniversitetet, Fakulteten för samhällsvetenskap (FSV), Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST).
    Time for Tolerance: Exploring the Influence of Learning Institutions on the Recognition of Political Rights Among Immigrants2018Ingår i: Comparative Migration Studies, ISSN 2214-8590, E-ISSN 2214-594X, Vol. 6, artikel-id 34Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper empirically evaluates the idea that individual level political tolerance is influenced by the overall tolerance in a given society. The expectation is that more tolerant attitudes would be developed as a consequence of exposure to a social environment in which people in general are more inclined to accept freedom of speech, also when a specific message challenges one’s own values and beliefs. A theoretical learning model is formulated, according to which more broad-minded and permissive attitudes, from a democratic point of view, are adopted as a result of (1) an adjustment stimulated by mere observation of an overall high-level of political tolerance in society (‘passive learning’), and (2) an adjustment due to cognition and interaction within important spheres in society (‘active learning’). Using survey data, we explore empirically how length of residence among immigrants in the high-tolerance country of Sweden is related to measures of political tolerance. Further, we examine to what extent a time-related effect is mediated through participation in a set of ‘learning institutions’—focusing on activities related to education, working-life, civil society and political involvement. In concert with expectations, the empirical findings suggest that a positive effect of time in Sweden on political tolerance may be explained by a gradual adoption of the principle that political rights should be recognized. Importantly, however, such an adoption seems to require participation in activities of learning institutions, as we find that passive learning in itself is not sufficient.

  • 186.
    Adman, Per
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Strömblad, Per
    Department of Political Science, Linnaeus University, Kalmar, Sweden.
    Time for tolerance: Exploring the influence of learning institutions on the recognition of political rights among immigrants2018Ingår i: Comparative Migration Studies, ISSN 2214-8590, E-ISSN 2214-594X, Vol. 6, artikel-id 34Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper empirically evaluates the idea that individual level political tolerance is influenced by the overall tolerance in a given society. The expectation is that more tolerant attitudes would be developed as a consequence of exposure to a social environment in which people in general are more inclined to accept freedom of speech, also when a specific message challenges one’s own values and beliefs. A theoretical learning model is formulated, according to which more broad-minded and permissive attitudes, from a democratic point of view, are adopted as a result of (1) an adjustment stimulated by mere observation of an overall high-level of political tolerance in society (‘passive learning’), and (2) an adjustment due to cognition and interaction within important spheres in society (‘active learning’). Using survey data, we explore empirically how length of residence among immigrants in the high-tolerance country of Sweden is related to measures of political tolerance. Further, we examine to what extent a time-related effect is mediated through participation in a set of ‘learning institutions’—focusing on activities related to education, working-life, civil society and political involvement. In concert with expectations, the empirical findings suggest that a positive effect of time in Sweden on political tolerance may be explained by a gradual adoption of the principle that political rights should be recognized. Importantly, however, such an adoption seems to require participation in activities of learning institutions, as we find that passive learning in itself is not sufficient.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 187.
    Adman, Per
    et al.
    Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Strömblad, Per
    Utanför demokratin: D. 3, Resurser för politisk integration2000Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 188.
    Adnerhill, Therese
    Växjö universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    One committee - two institutions?: The Committee of European Affairs in Sweden and Denmark2008Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats
    Abstract [en]

    In order to have some say and to scrutinise the government all member states of the EU today has established an institution within their national parliaments, the Committee of European Affairs. This institution, however, has very different rights and regulations depending on the country it is established in. This study uses two rather similar countries, Sweden and Denmark, and investigates what differences and similarities the two committees show.

    By constructing a comparative case study of four units of analysis, the governments and committees of European Affairs in Sweden and Denmark, the formal and informal power relationship between government and committee in each country were studied in order to determine similarities and differences and whether the committee had an impact on the governments’ EU policies. Further they were compared, assessing whether the Danish Committee of European Affairs was more powerful than its Swedish counterpart because of its legal basis in an EU document.

    The theoretical framework was built on empirical institutionalism and Lukes’ first and second dimension of power. The similarities and differences were accounted for and compared. In conclusion, the Danish Committee of European Affairs has more formal power than its Swedish counterpart but regarding informal power the Swedish Committee of European Affairs has a slight advantage. Both committees have an impact on the way their government handle negotiations with the EU.

    Keywords: formal power, informal power, the Committee of European Affairs, Sweden, Denmark

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    FULLTEXT01
  • 189.
    Adolfo, Eldridge
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Conflict, Displacement and Transformation.
    Better-off without a vote?2013Ingår i: Annual Report : 2012: Development Dilemmas, ISSN 1104-5256, Vol. 2012, s. 44-45Artikel i tidskrift (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    Download the article here
  • 190.
    Adolfo, Eldridge Vigil
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Conflict, Displacement and Transformation.
    Angola's Sustainable Growth and Regional Role beyond the Elections2012Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    Angola’s economic boom averaging about 17 per cent per annum, is centred on its extractive oil industry and has made Angola one of the fastest growing economies in sub-Saharan Africa and the world. With national peace providing stability and a strong military to negotiate regional threats, Angola is expected to consolidate its position as a regional power commensurate with its economic and military might. However, Angola faces challenges in the political, social, economic, governance, security and foreign policy arenas. It will also have to contend with election-related violence. While a bright medium-term future is in prospect for Angola, the country will have to negotiate and overcome these challenges to sustain its long-term peaceful development.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    Download the Policy Note here
  • 191.
    Adolfo, Eldridge Vigil
    et al.
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Conflict, Displacement and Transformation.
    Söderberg Kovacs, Mimmi
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Conflict, Displacement and Transformation.
    Nyström, Daniel
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Conflict, Displacement and Transformation.
    Utas, Mats
    Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Conflict, Displacement and Transformation.
    Electoral Violence in Africa2012Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    In the time period 2012–2013, over 20 national elections and two constitutional referendums are scheduled in Africa. In several of these elections, violence is anticipated to play a prominent role. There is great urgency to support the establishment of effective and legitimate electoral institutions and electoral frameworks; institute reforms aimed at lowering the stakes of elections; encourage the devolution of powers; improve the socio-economic standing of the populace; and devise strategies to prevent and manage electoral violence.

    Ladda ner fulltext (pdf)
    Download the publication
  • 192.
    Adolfsson, Anna
    et al.
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Jonsén, Jennie
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Local participation and the urban poor2003Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (magisterexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 193.
    Adolfsson, Camilla
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    En polisutbildning med hänsyn till det intersektionella?2009Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 194.
    Adolfsson, Caroline
    Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS). Malmö universitet, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM).
    Afro-Sweden : becoming Black in a color-blind country: by RyanThomas Skinner, foreword by Jason Timbuktu Diakité, Minneapolis,University of Minnesota Press, 20222023Ingår i: Ethnic and Racial Studies, ISSN 0141-9870, E-ISSN 1466-4356, s. 1-2Artikel, recension (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 195.
    Adolfsson, Ellen
    et al.
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, HLK, Globala studier.
    Ruderfors, Beatrice
    Högskolan i Jönköping, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, HLK, Globala studier.
    Mina grannar ser exakt ut som jag själv: En studie om boendesegregations påverkan på utanförskap och gemenskap2018Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [sv]

    Boendesegregation skapar antaganden om olika bostadsområden, antaganden som påverkar människors känsla av utanförskap och gemenskap. Två resursstarka och två resurssvaga områden i två olika städer jämförs för att undersöka respondenternas upplevelser kring utanförskap och gemenskap i respektive område. Studien bygger på två nationalekonomiska teorier, Mismatch hypotesen och Polariserings hypotesen, som förklarar uppkomsten av boendesegregation. Dessutom en kompletterande teori som diskuterar grannskapets effekter på känslan av utanförskap och gemenskap. 16 semi-strukturerade intervjuer ligger till grund för det empiriska materialet, varav 8 från resursstarka områden och 8 från resurssvaga områden. Studiens resultat visar på en starkare gemenskap mellan grannar i de resurssvaga områdena än i det resursstarka. Resultatet visar också att resurssvaga områden tillskrivs ett utanförskap, som individer boende i dessa områden inte själva upplever. 6 av 8 respondenter dementerar vid intervjuer påståenden om ett utanförskap. Avslutningsvis uppvisar studien på starkare gemenskap i samtliga områden, snarare än ett utanförskap.

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    fulltext
  • 196.
    Adolfsson, Julius
    et al.
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Barkström, Emma
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Modes of cooperation in times of disaster: A case study of NGOs in Haiti during the aftermath of the earthquake 20102013Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 197.
    Adolfsson Nordström, Carina
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Biträdande rektor: Och det delade ledarskapet2023Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (magisterexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [sv]

    Skollagens ändring 2010 där det stipuleras att det på skolor och förskolor endast får finnas en person som har titeln rektor har haft stor påverkan på skolor och förskolors ledningsorganisationer. Antalet biträdande rektorer i förskola och skola har under de senaste tio åren ökat markant och är år 2022 fler till antalet än rektorer. Skollagen samt styrdokumenten nämner på flertalet ställen i sina texter rollen rektor men rollen biträdande rektor finns inte nämnd någonstans i skolans styrdokument. Detta kan leda till en otydlighet för rollen biträdande rektor. Utifrån detta så har mitt intresse för att titta specifikt på biträdande rektorers uppfattningar kring deras roll och förutsättningar uppkommit. Studien har avgränsats till biträdande rektorer på grundskolor och studien bygger på intervjuer med sex biträdande rektorer på sex olika grundskolor i Sverige. Semistrukturerade intervjuer genomfördes för att utifrån studiens syfte synliggöra de biträdande rektorernas roller och förutsättningar i den kommunövergripande organisationen såväl som i den skolspecifika organisationen. Frågeställningarna för studien är; Vilka uppfattningar har biträdande rektorer om sin roll och ansvar i den kommunövergripande ledningsorganisationen? Vilka uppfattningar har biträdande rektor om sin roll och ansvar i den skolspecifika ledningsorganisationen? Det som framkommer i analysen är att de flesta biträdande rektorer har en otydlig roll både i den kommunövergripande ledningsorganisationen och i den skolspecifika ledningsorganisationen. I den kommunövergripande ledningsorganisationen upplever sig de biträdande rektorerna inte inkluderade och deras kompetens kring det verksamhetsnära arbetet tas inte tillvara. Arbetet som biträdande rektor på olika skolor kan innehålla vitt skilda uppdrag, allt från ett nära skuggledarskap till att arbeta med delegerade enskilda uppgifter. Rollerna för deltagarna i de lokala ledningsgrupperna på skolorna är i de flesta fall otydliga. Detta leder till en ökad arbetsbelastning för deltagarna i ledningsorganisationerna samt en otydlighet kring ansvar gentemot verksamheten inklusive elev och vårdnadshavare. Förvaltning och rektorer behöver ta ett större ansvar för att tydliggöra rollerna rektor och biträdande rektor. De biträdande rektorerna uppger tre viktiga beståndsdelar i samarbetet med övriga i ledningsorganisationen; inbördes prestigelöshet, ömsesidigt förtroende samt gemensamma värderingar.

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  • 198.
    Adolfsson, Olivia
    Jönköping University, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation.
    Sustainable livelihood for farmers: A study presenting both challenges and opportunities for local small-scale farmers in Alluriquin, Ecuador2022Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    The primary sector is of high importance to the economy and wellbeing of many countries. This is especially true for Ecuador, where 51 percent of the population living in rural areas earn their living through agriculture, livestock and fishing activities. Unfortunately, inequality has been growing between the rural and urban population, most noticeably in rural small-scale farmers that have less social capital and access to resources. Therefore, this study focuses on small-scale farmers, in a small town called Alluriquin, and how their way of farming can contribute to sustainable livelihoods. The empirical data has been collected through semi-structured interviews, where eleven different individuals have been interviewed. Previous research together with the theory of Amartya Sen will serve as the framework for this study.

    In Alluriquin, the results show that crops such as sugarcane, yucca, cacao, plantain and bananas as well as the big interest in both cattle raising and dairy farming, helps the locals to maintain a sustainable livelihood. It can be learned from the results of this study and previous research that farmers are facing a lot of different challenges on a daily basis, and even though they had different methods of dealing with these issues, the challenges seem to be manageable. The outcome of this study shows how these eleven individuals are able to maintain a sustainable livelihood, and how this way of farming is influenced by both internal and external factors that might be harmful if they are not considered. This way of life does provide the local community with a blueprint to follow so that they can guarantee their immediate wellbeing and prepare themselves and their families for any unforeseen circumstances, achieving sustainable livelihoods inside rural communities.

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    fulltext
  • 199.
    Adolfsson, Pernilla
    Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Om homoadoptioner: En ideologianalys av Kristdemokraterna och Christian Coalition2002Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 200.
    Adolfsson, Rebecca
    Linnéuniversitetet, Fakulteten för samhällsvetenskap (FSV), Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST).
    EU:s gemensamma handelspolitik före och efter Lissabonfördraget: En jämförande studie av EU:s normativa makt genom den gemensamma handelspolitiken 2015Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    This study aims to examine the EU’s normative power through the Common Commercial Policy (CCP) before and after the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force. The study is a comparative study and was carried out through a document study of official documents and treaties. To pursue the aim the following questions were asked: What are the differences and similarities within the EU's common trade policy before and after the introduction of the Treaty of Lisbon and does the Treaty of Lisbon increased the normative ambition of the EU?

     

    In this study Ian Manners theory Normative Power Europe has been categorized into direct normative actions and indirect normative actions. The empirical material is based on literature, primary document, Official Journal of the European Union and EU: s webpage.

     

    The conclusions of this study show that the Treaty of Lisbon has changed the constitutional basis for the common commercial policy in several ways. The CCP has more room after the Treaty of Lisbon to develop and take on direct normative actions. The major difference is that the CCP now endorse all the Union’s objectives, principles and values which give the CCP more opportunities to set normative requirements and gain normative power.

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    EU normativ handel
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