Review of Ċetta Mainwaring, At Europe’s Edge: Migration and Crisis in the Mediterranean (Oxford University Press, New York 2019)

In 2015, more than a million refugees and migrants came to Europe during the so-called ‘migration crisis.’ This prompted a host of security-oriented responses to protect the EU’s external borders, spearheaded by the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex). While the number of irregular border crossings has decreased substantially since, Frontex continues to portray an image of crisis at the borders, which serves to “normalize” crisis and justify increased border controls in its response.

Civil society actors have long criticized the EU for the lack of search and rescue (SAR) operations in the Mediterranean Sea. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimates that between 2014-2024, a minimum of 28,000 refugees and migrants have lost their lives or gone missing in the Mediterranean, with the Central Mediterranean being the deadliest migration route in the world. The European Border and Coast Guard agency (Frontex), however, believes that SAR constitutes a so-called ‘pull-factor’ which entices more people to attempt the dangerous crossing and die at sea, portraying non-rescue as in their best interest.

The concept of ’humanitarian borderwork’ (Pallister-Wilkins 2017) entered the social sciences the last couple of years, in the wake of the 2015 migration crisis to the EU. With roots in the ’humanitarian border enforcement’ discourse (Williams 2016) that developed in the US post-9/11, the concept suggests that the goals of ‘migrant safety’ (i.e. human security) and ‘border control’ (i.e. state security) are mutually attainable. This ‘humanitarian-security’ (Andersson 2017, De Lauri 2018) or ‘safety/security’ (Williams 2016) nexus casts increased border control as not the cause of, but the remedy to, migrants’ vulnerability and death. ‘Humanitarian borderwork’ further implies a convergence between two seemingly distinct concepts: ‘humanitarianism’ and ‘borderwork’ (Walters 2011). Whereas ‘humanitarianism’ has traditionally been associated with a concern for humanity, human rights, alleviation of suffering, and the principle of ‘do no harm’; ‘borderwork’ has been preoccupied with exclusion, control, security and monitoring/surveillance (Pallister-Wilkins 2015b). And whereas humanitarian action has traditionally been carried out by depoliticized, independent actors (notably NGOs) with the sole purpose of providing humanitarian assistance (Redfield and Bornstein 2011); humanitarianism is now increasingly being delivered by (supranational) state-actors, such as the EU’s Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex) – which claims to be just as preoccupied with saving lives as protecting the EU’s external borders. This begs the questions: are ‘humanitarianism’ and ‘borderwork’ compatible concepts? And if so, in the case of the EU, how humanitarian is Frontex’s borderwork? Informed by a literature review of the genealogy of the concepts of ‘humanitarianism’ and ‘humanitarian borderwork’, the paper problematizes the latter and seeks to answer those questions by analyzing and comparing Frontex’s humanitarian discourses and practices to the understanding of humanitarianism within anthropology – a field that has studied it extensively. The paper thus provides part of the literature review and theoretical- and conceptual framework for the dissertation, to be complemented with more empirics at a later stage. Arguing that while Frontex’s ‘humanitarian borderwork’ fails to meet the criteria in the traditional understanding of humanitarianism, it does succeed in situating itself within the ‘new humanitarianism’ (Nascimento 2015) that emerged after the end of the Cold War – where state actors play a larger role, and militarization and securitization of borders increasingly shape humanitarian action.

This working paper critically examines Ayelet Shachar’s (2020) concept of the ‘shifting border’ and the solutions she proposes to tackle this recent phenomenon, pointing out potential gaps, inconsistencies and unintended consequences of letting legal responsibility follow states’ ‘shifting borders’. Instead, the paper argues for the need to deterritorialize the right to asylumin order to prevent states from retracting back from or shifting out their responsibilities for refugees and migrants, and to question and ultimately relax our current state-imposed mobility controls which have come to be largely taken for granted, even among migration and border scholars.

This dissertation examines how migration has become securitized in what I term the field of EUropean external(ized) border control and how this securitization has become increasingly normalized. It does so by focusing on the role of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency’s (Frontex) risk analysis reports in constructing migration as a security threat. Although framed as an apolitical and objective overview of the situation at the external(ized) border, I conceptualize these reports as constituting a particular form of knowledge with securitized ontological and epistemological assumptions, which preclude alternative framings of irregularized migration. By drawing on critical discourse analysis, I interrogate how this border knowledge securitizes migration in both banal and explicit ways, normalizes crises, and portrays border control as humanitarian. Interviews with civil society actors, border guards, Frontex, and European Commission officials were conducted to analyze how they resist or reproduce this securitization, which is taken as indicative of its normalization. The dissertation aims to question the taken-for-grantedness of treating unwanted migration as a security issue in this field and draws attention to its harmful effects for refugees and migrants who try to cross increasingly inaccessible borders.

This comparative research studied the P5 (Permanent members of the United Nations Security Council) statements to investigate the causes for the R2P (Responsibility to Protect) application in Libya and nonapplication in Syria. The research studied 25 full statements for the P5 during five meetings for the UNSC (United Nations Security Council) between 2011-2012. Post the Arab Spring, the Libyan and Syrian cases were similar since both states experienced large-scale crimes against civilians, and their governments failed their duty to protect, and the UNSC called to protect civilians, however, the outcomes differentiated in the two cases. This research employed multiple theories to investigate the causes for different outcomes, and the findings show that the R2P applied in Libya since the P5 had a similar vision to protect civilians and similar experiences and perceptions towards the norm (R2P). However, in Syria, the R2P did not apply, due to (1) the Libyan experience, (2) the P5 security interests, and (3) due to the P5 conflicting stances. The R2P can only be authorized by the UNSC, and the three previously mentioned causes caused a division in the UNSC and that caused the UNSC to become unable to authorize the R2P in Syria.

This degree project explores the interconnectedness between citizenship and identity formation amongst Belarusians in exile, occurring in the aftermath of the controversial 2020 presidential elections. Through a theoretical framework and 15 in-depth interviews, it examines the impact of a Presidential Decree prohibiting the renewal and issuance of Belarusian passports abroad on the sense of belonging of exiled Belarusians. The aim of this study is to investigate the impact of transnational repression on identity transformation. This research contributes to the emerging body of knowledge on the practice of citizenship deprivation and passport removals, which are used as a punitive measure and tool of exile. The findings suggest that as a consequence of the abovementioned state-imposed measures, Belarusians ascribe a more instrumental value to their passports, regarding it as a means of escaping the legal limbo they may face as a result of the Decree. Furthermore, they perceive their current Belarusian passports as a painful connection to the state that they have no desire to maintain contact with. Therefore, the Decree merely resulted in the nurturing of their Belarusian identity. Nevertheless, it also entails a significant degree of vulnerability and precarity, further complicating the lives of forced migrants. This forces Belarusians to explore opportunities to become citizens of other states, thereby allowing their identities to evolve and acquire new attributes.

This thesis aims to investigate the influence of parental styles on an adolescent's ability to access and receive sexual health services, regardless of the existing policies that may or may not require parental consent. Through stratified sampling, participants who lived in different parts of Sweden during their adolescence were interviewed. The Parental Power Assertion theory has been used to identify the parental styles used by the interviewees’ parents under their adolescence. Additionally, the Self-Determination Theory has been used to determine their level of autonomy during their adolescence. The data collected indicated that parenting styles have a significant impact on an adolescent's autonomy, particularly in relation to their sexual health decisions. The findings show that parental styles play an important role in shaping an adolescent's autonomy in making their own sexual health decisions.

This report presents a data inventory on available statistical data on various aspects of post-2014 migrant settlement and integration, as well as contextual characteristics in small- and medium-sized town and rural areas (SMsTRA). Understanding various aspects of migrant integration at different governance levels is crucial. To do so, quantitative data on integration policies, outcomes and contexts are particularly useful in conducting cross-country comparative analysis and in understanding trends over time. Furthermore, data allow us to analyse the role that policies play on migrant integration outcomes. This report therefore lists and explains the main sources and datasets on integration policy, integration outcomes, public perception and attitudes and social cohesion. Our analysis shows that despite improvements in data availability in the EU, there is still a lack of sub-national data on these issues, which limits cross-country and cross-locality comparisons. 

This research aims to explore the effects of negative media representation on the experiencesof university students residing in Rosengård, Malmö, Sweden. Drawing upon media and masscommunication theories such as Media Shadow theory, Agenda Setting theory, andincorporating elements of Social Identity theory, the study investigates the influence of mediaportrayals on community perception and individual experiences. Through qualitative semistructuredinterviews conducted with fifteen students living in Rosengård, their accounts weretranscribed and analyzed to gain a comprehensive understanding of their experiences. Thefindings indicate that media representation holds significant power in shaping communityperception and profoundly impacts the experiences of residents. This research underscores theimportance of balanced media representation in mitigating negative influences and emphasizesthe need to consider social identity dynamics when examining the impact of media portrayalson individuals' perceived reality and experiences within a specific community.

After the 7th of October attack by Hamas and the following Israeli invasion ofGaza, the Middle East regional security complex has been subject to severe regional securityinterdependence. The war in Gaza is slowly turning into a regional war where Israel and Iran arecompeting over enforcing their mutually exclusive visions of the Middle East. Iran has initiallyrelied on its proxies in this conflict but is gradually getting directly involved. Tehran and TelAviv have been exchanging direct attacks which increases the risk of an all-out regional war. Thegoal of this research is to study the security structure of the Middle East in the context of the warin Gaza and the wider Iran versus Israel rivalry to see which actor is more likely to come out ontop. Additionally, some possible security consequences of this regional struggle will beidentified. To address the research question, the regional security complex theory by Buzan andWæver (2003) will be used as the theoretical framework in a qualitative case study. The studyconcludes that the Israeli project is likely to succeed while Iran and its proxies are likely to fail inthe long run because they are viewed as the bigger regional threat to regional actors. Possiblesecurity consequences include increased terrorist activities and a possible refugeecrisis which can impact the European regional security complex.

This thesis focuses on GBV against women and girls in conflict and post-conflict societies with a particular emphasis on South Sudan. It notes that women and girls are disproportionately affected by gender-based violence, and other consequences of war, including displacement and loss of livelihood. The generally weaker social capital that women tend to possess is often a precursor to wanton abuse at the hands of both friend and foe. A United Nations Human Rights Commission situation report on South Sudan, the country has had an incredibly difficult experience for the people who were the victims of conflict as violence has completely eclipsed the rule of law. Women and girls continue to encounter gender-related violence in form of rape, defilement, sexual slavery and very many other human rights abuses such as forced prostitution, domestic violence and sex trafficking. Coupled with this, their needs are undermined and not adequately addressed by duty-bearers and state actors. This is the case despite the availability of national legal provisions that declare the protection of women and girls as a guiding principle. This study aims to provide an in-depth understanding of GBV against women and girls in South Sudan. To achieve this, the study offers an understanding of the nature and architecture of South Sudan as a conflict and post-conflict state, and the causes and contributing factors of GBV against women and girls in South Sudan. It also identifies the consequences and effects of GBV against women and girls in South Sudan and examines the legal framework for the protection of women and girls in South Sudan.

The study engages the feminist framework to place the study into perspective. It argues that the main factors leading to GBV against women and girls stem from the patriarchal nature of South Sudanese culture, which is further evidenced in the institutional structures. The study engages a qualitative research approach that is based on a descriptive analysis to offer a normative reflection on how conflict shapes societal attitudes towards women and girls. Being non-empirical, the study uses a library research method of investigation to incorporate available sources with relevant unpublished sources. The findings show that South Sudan is characterized by divided loyalty to two publics namely formal institutional structures and traditional cultural structures. It indicates that the strong formal and informal patriarchal institutions and practices grounded in violence and misogyny still exist giving men a hegemonic status which promotes aggressive behaviour and devaluation of women whilst serving to legitimize GBV against women and girls and prevent access to justice. The study shows that the prevailing laws in South Sudan are not sufficient to protect women and girls in South Sudan from GBV since many of these laws are enacted and enforced by men who oftentimes are the perpetrators of violence against women and are protected by patriarchal cultural and formal institutions. Finally, the study proposes adopting a human rights approach in an ethnically plural state, institutional reforms, legal reforms and increased resource allocation to GBV prevention.

By using a qualitative content analysis, the paper considers the research question: What explains the Middle East Quartet’s mediation (in)effectiveness in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?. In order to answer this question, the level of MEQ’s actorness is analysed and operationalized by using Klose’s (2018) interactionist role theory with a conventional social constructivist ontology as defined by Wendt (1992) and Finnemore and Sikkink (2001). The level of actorness is then combined with examining the mediation effectiveness of the Middle East Quartet in the Israeli-Palestine conflict to see if actorness explains the mediation (in)effectiveness. Theoretical framework for analysing the mediation effectiveness is the one suggested by Herrberg (2018) – ‘seven virtues’. It is concluded that actorness does not explain the Quartet’s mediation ineffectiveness in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict since no direct relation between the two variables is found. The study suggests that the field of International Relations should be more global and instead of focusing on European mediation only, other actors should be involved, for example the Middle East Quartet.

Hong Kong is known for its specific political model composed by a hybrid system balancing democracy and authoritarianism. This work investigates the hegemonic nature of the interactions between the 2019’s democracy movement and the pro-Beijing actors and how they affected this systemic balance. Based on a case study, this essay mixes the hegemony, social movements and authoritarianism theories to carry out this research. The findings show a change of the systemic paradigm through the domination of the Chinese authoritarian system. This mainlandisation has occurred from a soft and hard power interactions between the two actors to reach a domestic hegemony. From a soft power lens, the collective action theory highlights a rising unbalance of power within the political and media institutions with the rising control of China, however, the movement through its ideas, capabilities and political opportunities formed a counter-hegemony. From a hard power lens, those interactions evolved in an escalation of symbolic and physical violence in terms of repertoires of actions and policing. This radicalization of the movement offered an opportunity to strengthen the control of China. This hybrid regime case shows that democracy movements have fueled an “authoritarianisation’ instead of a democratization.

This thesis explores how the tactics of intimidation, harrassment and criminalization impact the activists providing humanitarian assistance to migrants at the border between Poland and Belarus. Through an investigation of the relations of power between the authorities, the activists and the migrants, this study aims to understand the complex context of the border in which the activists provide the assistance. With the aim of exploring how the activists operate under the threat of criminalization, it makes a contribution to the emerging body of research on the phenomenon of criminalization of grass-roots humanitarian efforts, which has been on the rise in Europe and around the world. The findings reveal that as a result of the state imposed measures, such as heavy militarization and policing of the broder, as well as restrictions on freedom of movement and public access to information, the humanitarian aid is provided in an atmosphere of fear. Nevertheless, the desired effect of deterrence is not achieved, as the activists perceive providing aid as their duty.

This research examines the labor market integration of international IT talent in Oulu, Finland, with a focus on the role of language in hiring decisions. Grounded in Linguistic Capital theory and Language Policy and Planning theory, the study explores language requirements, cultural assimilation, and strategies employed by companies. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews with IT recruiters and a literature review. Findings underscore the criticality of language skills, particularly Finnish proficiency, for job opportunities. Language policies significantly influence hiring decisions, while challenges faced include language barriers, cultural disparities, and limited networks. Strategies such as language courses and supportive work environments address these challenges. Practical implications are provided for policymakers, employers, educational institutions, and international IT talent. The study contributes to understanding labor market integration, emphasizing language skills, policy impact, challenges, and strategies for successful integration. Targeted support, stakeholder collaboration, and comprehensive approaches are crucial for attracting and retaining international talent to foster economic growth.

IMPORTANCE: Misaligned dietary rhythmicity has been associated with metabolic diseases; however, its association with mental health remains largely unexplored.

OBJECTIVE: To examine the association between dietary rhythms and the mental health condition of shift workers, specifically airline crew members.

DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS: This cross-sectional study analyzed data collected from the Civil Aviation Health Cohort of China, an ongoing large-scale health survey of pilots, flight attendants, and air security officers employed by major airline companies in China. Participants aged 18 to 60 years were invited through text messages to complete a web-based survey. The data collection period was December 2022 to March 2023. Statistical analysis was performed from July 24, 2023, to April 12, 2024.

EXPOSURE: Data on timing of breakfast and dinner on workdays and rest days, daily time windows for food intake, and meal and eating jet lags were collected and calculated.

MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURES: Anxiety and depressive symptoms were measured using the 7-item Generalized Anxiety Disorder Assessment and the 9-item Patient Health Questionnaire. Multivariate logistic regressions were performed to evaluate the associations of anxiety and depression with meal timing, eating window time, meal jet lag (ie, delayed meals), and eating jet lag (ie, delayed eating). All models were adjusted for individual socioeconomic, demographic, and lifestyle characteristics.

RESULTS: Of the 22 617 participants (median [IQR] age, 29.1 [26.3-33.7] years; 13 712 males [60.6%]), 1755 (7.8%) had anxiety and 2768 (12.2%) had depression. After controlling for confounding factors, having dinner after 8 pm on morning-shift days was associated with increased odds of anxiety (adjusted odds ratio [AOR], 1.78; 95% CI, 1.53-2.05) and depression (AOR, 2.01; 95% CI, 1.78-2.27), compared with consuming dinner before 8 pm. Similar results were observed on night-shift days and rest days. An eating window of less than 12 hours was associated with reduced odds of anxiety (AOR, 0.84; 95% CI, 0.75-0.93) and depression (AOR, 0.81; 95% CI, 0.75-0.89) on morning-shift days; the results remained significant on rest days. Delayed dinner on morning-shift days was associated with increased odds of anxiety (AOR, 1.32; 95% CI, 1.13-1.54) and depression (AOR, 1.39; 95% CI, 1.22-1.58). On night-shift days, delayed dinner was associated with higher odds of anxiety (AOR, 1.22; 95% CI, 1.06-1.39) and depression (AOR, 1.21; 95% CI, 1.08-1.36). On morning-shift days, delayed eating rhythms were associated with higher odds of depression (AOR, 1.35; 95% CI, 1.13-1.61), whereas advanced eating rhythms were associated with lower odds of anxiety (AOR, 0.78; 95% CI, 0.70-0.87).

CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE: This cross-sectional study found that meal timing, long eating window, and meal jet lags were associated with increased odds of depression and anxiety. These findings underscore the need for interventions and supportive policies that help mitigate the adverse implications of shift work and irregular working hours for the mental health of shift workers.

The focus of the Bachelor thesis is to analyze how states in the Global South are being othered by states in the Global North that fund international development volunteering (IDV). A focus is put on states that fund IDV as part of their contribution to the Sustainable Development Goals. For this purpose, relevant literature from critical tourism studies, research on IDV and critical as well as postcolonial approaches to international volunteering are being introduced. This builds the basis for conducting a quantitative and qualitative content analysis of data from four IDV organizations’ websites. The sources to be analyzed are the descriptions of countries in the Global South on two websites and the pictures on the websites of four organizations. 

From this data collection three themes emerge in the discussion: Othering based on socio-demographic aspects - like gender, race and age - normative aspects and the representation of places. All three aspects contribute to the othering of places and people in the Global South through international development volunteering.

This paper examines the discourse surrounding Italian gastronationalism throughout the previous four European Parliament elections to gain a deeper comprehension of the escalating significance of gastronationalism over the past two decades.

In this examination, the notion of gastronationalism, situated within the wider context of banal nationalism, is elucidated, and delineated to achieve the intended objective. Utilizing a case study approach, this research investigates the right-wing political party "Alleanza Nazionale / Fratelli d'Italia" through an analysis of prominent party members' discourse in newspapers and social media platforms.

The findings reveal a notable escalation in the employment of gastronationalism in AN/FdI's political rhetoric from 2014 to 2019, which bears a discernible correlation with the linguistic style and communicative techniques employed by the Italian Fascist Party, originally established by Benito Mussolini.

Despite vociferous disagreement by scholars and ambivalence by China over a "China Model" of development, China is still held up as an exemplar of development. Nowhere is this clearer than in the theory of New Structural Economics (NSE) promulgated by the former Chief Economist of the World Bank, Justin Lin. We seek to critically engage Lin's theory apropos of China and China's geopolitical and economic interests in Africa. Lin argues that developing countries can learn from China's development experience, and his theory, NSE, fills this experience with theoretical content. China, though often dismissive of a "China Model," gains a soft power advantage from its association with NSE as an exemplar and from Lin's own role in rationalizing China-Africa economic interests in purely analytical and intellectual terms. In Ethiopia, the regime actively heeded Lin's policy advice and implemented development policies in line with his theoretical model. Justin Lin's "China Model" is not an antagonistic model, but part of mainstream economic theorizing. It does not represent a competing counter-hegemonic model. It is complementary to the global capitalist system. This is the unorthodox orthodoxy of Justin Lin's "China Model."

Recent calls to study international practices stand out for their attempts to bridge the material ideational divide, viewing international relations as a realm of competent acts engendering the international system. Foreign policy, as a bureaucratic enterprise of protocol and institutional practices, is the ideal ground to assess the value of practice in International Relations. But as our case study of sanctions relief in Sudan shows, crossing the levels of analysis is hardly a smooth process as clashes emerge and challenge the status quo requiring departures from existing norms. When descending the levels of analysis into the very weeds of actual diplomatic issues, one finds a range of practices that challenge a singular view of international practices. Success or failure of policy, its direction, and evolution must address the harmony or clash of practices across these levels. This paper assesses the value of practice by studying a case with a clear evolution in practices in the development of sanctions relief in Sudan.

Is Sweden a failed state in the making or a paradise on earth? Neither. Sweden is a functioning democracy but it faces serious challenges. This article attempts to make sense of them. It considers issues of law and order and the emergence of parallel structures of power. It shows that Sweden, following an unprecedented wave of immigration, is experiencing an ongoing struggle to define the nation.

The tentative argument made in this article is that “failed states” have failed to develop successful projects of internal colonialism. Yet, in the present era, human rights norms and world society governance models denounce states that pursue internal colonial projects. This paradox highlights the great challenge of state making in the present age.

This paper seeks to reconcile performative theorizing, which captures the place of systems of thought on foreign policy practice, and broader sociological approaches that link networks and institutions across space, especially as they relate to the global economy. Once developed, the theory, which is termed here ‘spatial performativity’, is applied to recent efforts to promote industrialization through the development of special economic zones in Ethiopia. In doing so, attention is drawn to a burgeoning area of African and Chinese foreign policy and economic cooperation.

The article scrutinizes Armenia’s foreign policy trajectory since its independence. It applies a model of foreign policy analysis that takes into account structural, dispositional, and intentional dimensions and outlines a more dynamic structureagency interplay. By contrast to reductionist system-level explanations, the argument is that individual-level factors such as the perceptions and beliefs of Armenia’s presidents are central to understanding why Armenia embarked on a foreign policy path where it became economically and militarily absorbed by Russia. The case study of Armenia’s foreign policy serves as a plausibility probe that illustrates the relevance of individual-level factors in foreign policy decision making. The article thus offers insights into the foreign policy of a small state.

This essay is an effort to highlight the discourses of the Sweden Democrats according to their opinion about climate change and multiculturalism. This thesis aims to show how and why right-wing populist parties tend to deny climate change and oppose a multicultural society. The material was gathered from the Sweden Democrats website and expressions of their Politicians in debates and interviews. I have used the critical discourse analysis to discuss the material, and the ‘three-dimensional model’ to analyse it. The results of my study shows that there are several reasons why right-wing populist deny climate change and why they oppose a multicultural society. The study also indicates the relationship between these aspects. High levels of Right-Wing Authoritarians, Social Dominance Orientation and the ideology of the right-wing populist parties tend to be the most significant reasons why they deny climate change. Cultural differences, nationality and the strive to achieve a cultural homogeneity are among others reasons why they are anti-multiculturalism. The Sweden Democrats is used in this study to represent right-wing populism, and therefore the research is based on right-wing populism overall and not only in Sweden.

The purpose of this study was to examine pornography consumption among men and women from different generations. By investigating this topic, the aim was to enhance the understanding of the potential negative effects of pornography on individuals and society as a whole, as well as from a postcolonial perspective. The aspect of how norms of heterosexuality influence pornography consumption and attitudes towards violence against women in heterosexual relationships was examined as well. To examine these areas a survey was administered. The target population for the survey was individuals aged 18 and above residing in Sweden. The data used in this study consists of the survey responses from a total of 22 participants. The five theories relevant to the analysis and conclusion of this study included: Judith Butler's theory of gender and sexuality, theories on femininity and masculinity within heteronormative heterosexual relationships, Karl Mannheim's concept of generations, postcolonial theory and the definition of Swedishness. By employing these theories, aspects of power and its impact on gender roles and different ethnicities were explored. The theories were also used to analyze stereotypical norms of masculinity and femininity in heteronormative relationships. Additionally, the material was connected to generational issues to analyze differences across generations. The results showed the complexand multifaceted nature of pornography consumption and its relationship with generations, gender, and postcolonialism. The results provide insights not only into individual consumption patterns but also highlight the broader societal context in which pornography both influences and is influenced by social norms and cultural values. It objectifies women, normalizes violence and power dynamics, and reinforces gender roles and sexual norms. The female participants expressed a critical view of pornography and highlighted the need for change in its portrayal and influence. Pornography doesn't only sexualize women, but it also involves sexualizing various ethnic groups. In terms of changes in pornographic habits across generations, the younger generation, growing up in the digital age, has a different perspective on sex and pornography compared to older generations.

After the Cold War ended, the process of nuclear disarmament began to stagnate and in recent years there are signs of backsliding. Efforts to revive the disarmament regime over decades culminated with the drafting and ratification of the UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in 2017 and 2021 respectively, much to the dismay of nuclear weapons states. The U.S., Britain, and France have declared their dismissal of the treaty while subscribing to the disarmament regime as established by the Non-proliferation Treaty of 1970. 

The Western nuclear powers typically channel their opposition through NATO, and this thesis will first look at NATO’s legal arguments and as the strategy of nuclear deterrence which is fundamental to their defensive strategy. I will then investigate NATO discourse as it pertains to nuclear weapon strategy as a constituent of its subjectivity and intentionality. In other words, what it is like to “be” NATO, and in so doing understand why it acts in opposition to a goal it already pursues. 

This is relevant to IR in that it explores an alterative manner in which to understand social structures while adhering to research designs typically ascribes to the “lower” unit of analysis of individuals.

This study seeks to understand the role of non-state actors, particularly NGOs, in global environmental governance by spotlighting the EU’s policies on waste trade. To understand the role of NGOs in waste trade, the study traces the waste trade problematisation of the EU and discovers NGOs' strategies and frames to influence the policies of the EU on waste trade. The study uses mixed methods with the help of constructivist and post-structuralist approaches. According to the study, the EU historically approaches the waste trade as an environmental subject outside of the EU with the contribution of NGOs. On the other hand, changes in the global waste trade scene are shifting the EU’s waste trade problematisations within the EU as an economic dependency problem. In this context, by taking a dialogue builder and voice articulator role and creating alliances, NGOs try to change the EU's this two-way approach.  They work to create a global environmental problem understanding for waste trade using mixed frames, which contain both technical and political frames.

Forskning är en komplex process som ifrågasätter, undersöker och utvecklar nya aspekter av världen. På så sätt rör sig forskningsfälten hela tiden framåt. Forskningens rön och resultat sprids sedan på många sätt, till exempel genom vetenskaplig publicering, samverkan, forskarnätverk eller genom utställningar. I denna utställning presenterar biblioteket forskning från Malmö universitets fem fakulteter. När forskning når en bred publik är den förenklad och ofta tagen ur sin kontext. Det gör att forskningresultat i den snabba nyhetsrapporteringen lätt misstolkas eller missuppfattas. Enskilda resultat är en del av ett större sammanhang och fungerar därför sällan som nyhetsrubriker. Utställningen belyser vikten av att granska all information kritiskt och uppmanar dig som besökare att fundera på om du tar till dig nyheter med förnuft eller känsla.